Públius Cornelius Léntulus Sura fue una mentira de Chico Xavier y el Espíritu Emmanuel narrado en el libro Psicografiado por Chico Xavier...
Falsas REENCARNACIONES de Espiritus, ninguna se puede probar. Las supuestas reencarnaciones de Allan Kardec, no pueden ser probadas. No existe evidencias de que fueron ciertas.
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Te invito a compartir éste contenido con tus amigos y familiares, sólo copia el siguiente enlace y lo pegas en tú página de Facebook e INSTAGRAM, así incluyes todo este contenido. Agradeceré no compartas el Vídeo 📹 de ésta referencia, porqué no estarías explicando que el video es falso y apócrifo....
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Cuándo se ven vídeos haciendo recuentos o se presentan conferencias hablando de las supuestas reencarnaciones de Allan Kardec, de Chico Xavier, del Espíritu Emmanuel, Espíritu André Luiz, Espíritu Joanna de Ángelis, ninguna de ellas se puede probar. Todas esas conferencias sobre reencarnaciones pasadas y que se refieren a personajes conocidos, éso no es relevante o importante en el Espiritismo. Nada se logra con esas 🤥 mentiras, de reencarnaciones pasadas, que ninguna se puede probar.
El contenido de esos vídeos o conferencias, no se pueden probar o corroborar. Los Espíritus lo dijeron, EL QUE HABLE DE REENCARNACIONES PASADAS DE cualquier Espíritu, en éste caso de ALLAN KARDEC o CHICO XAVIER, es un embustero, un mistificador y no tiene credibilidad, porque habla sin pruebas y estamos cansados de ésos charlatanes del Espiritismo"
"ES IMPOSIBLE VERIFICAR LAS VIDAS PASADAS DE NADIE, según dijeron los Espíritus."
Lo importante es la vida presente, y que esté adelantando el Espíritu, lo demás es una pérdida de tiempo.
El vídeo de 15 vidas pasadas de Allan Kardec es un fraude, ninguna de esas supuestas reencarnaciones se pueden probar.
Todas las supuestas reencarnaciones de Allan Kardec, son imposible de verificar. Por lo tanto toda información publicada en Vídeos o artículos no es de acuerdo a las enseñanzas del Verdadero Espiritismo, nada se puede probar.
En el caso de Chico Xavier, una Encarnación en el tiempo de Jesús, resultó ser falsa, pues en el libro 2,000 años psicografiado de información que aportó el Espíritu Emmanuel a Chico Xavier, ha sido corrobado que fue falso, no existió Públius Cornelius Léntulus Sura, en el tiempo de Jesús.
Existió un Públius Cornelius Léntulus Sura que murió el año 63 aC, (antes de Cristo), eso hace que Flavia, nunca existiera, en el tiempo ⏳ de Jesús nacido en Nazaret, es comprobado que Públius Lentulos nunca tuvo contacto con Jesús, y que nunca existió Flavia, supuesta encarnacion de Chico Xavier como una hija de Públius eso no fue verdad, y ha sido corroborada por evidencia documental histórica que permanecen en documentos del Imperio Romano. Entonces, ni Emmanuel, ni Chico Xavier estivieron presentes en el tiempo de Jesús el Nazareno.
Para reconocer ésta Verdad Espiritista, tenemos el libro de Los Médiums, codificado, escrito y publicado por Allan Kardec, en el año de 1861. Es el libro de Los Médiums, la Autoridad doctrinaria que nos habla de cómo reconocer la Identidad de los Espíritus, indica que NADIE ha podido probar ninguna de las reencarnaciones de nadie, es decir que las reencarnaciones de Allan Kardec, ni de Chico Xavier, pueden ser comprobadas. Además, de que eso no es importante. Sólo los ESPIRITUALISTAS les interesan estos temas que no se pueden probar.
Notarás que los Espiritualistas, que sabemos que no leen los Libros 📚 Codificados por Allan Kardec, ni reespaldan la "Eterna Verdad" del Espiritismo Verdadero, establece que es IMPOSIBLE corroborar ninguna reencarnación del pasado.
Chico Xavier fue un Fraude Moral, un Falso Profeta CONSTATADO el 19 de julio del año 2019, cuando se verificó que ninguna de sus 8 Profecías anuncisdas jace 50 años se cumplieron. Recordemos que Chico Xavier nunca fue Espiritista Verdadero, sino que nunca dejó de ser Católico Cristiano practicante, un Espiritualista que no es lo mismo que ser Espiritista. Los Espiritistas Verdaderos no somos ADIVINOS del futuro, no creemos en Profecías del futuro 🔮.
Entonces, el Espíritu de Chico Xavier nunca FUE EVOLUCIONADO para que se pretenda haber sido la reencarnación de Allan Kardec. Ni el lenguaje, ni la ascendencia Moral de Allan Kardec tiene ninguna congruencia de un Chico Xavier y sus fraudes, plagios y su tal comportamiento impregnado de mentiras 🤥 .
Todo lo que se tiene de evidencia en libros apócrifos de Chico Xavier publicsdos, demuestran que no estaban de acuerdo al carácter serio de Allan Kardec. El que diga que Chico Xavier había reencarnado en Allan Kardec que lo demuestre. Lo primero que debe hacer es demostrar las contradicciones que tivo Chico Xavier con las enseñanzas y creencias del Espiritismo Moralizador y Consolador al Mundo 🌍, el Verdadero Espiritismo, reseñadas por Allan Kardec en los contenidos de los Libros 📚 Codificados.
Los Espíritus Realmente Superiores NUNCA se Contradicen, con las enseñanzas del Espiritismo.
Los Espiritualistas, son mistificadores, no les interesa la "ETERNA VERDAD" del Espiritismo, les fascina hablar de previas encarnaciones, y eso de por sí son Secretos de Dios, que no pueden ser revelados. Ellos no saben que hablar de vidas Pasadas se constituyen SECRETOS de DIOS que no pueden ser revelados, sin el PERMISO de Dios.
Es como la ilustración de un hombre 👨 pobre que se acuerda de los bienes y las riquezas que perdió o que soñó haber tenido un día. Es lo mismo, ¿para qué pamplinas necesito saber las vidas pasadas de Chico Xavier, Divaldo Pereira Franco o Joanna de Ángelis?. Sí ese pasado no puede ser probado ni repetido, de modo alguno.
Aquí te presento información que te ayuda a verificar la IDENTIDAD de los Espíritus, los que son Buenos, Superiores, Sensatos y también los Espíritus Inferiores, Espíritus Malos, ligeros e Imperfectos. Es muy fácil identificar a los Espíritus NO EVOLUCIONADOS. .
Los Espiritualistas se agradan mucho en hablar de encarnaciones anteriores, eso no tiene importancia, además que es imposible de verificar esas encarnaciones del pasado. La información que aquí comparto te ayuda a conocer de este tema, en que los mismos Espíritus lo advirtieron.
Así, que el que te hable de encarnaciones pasadas o de otras existencias, dile que te lo pruebe. Los Espíritus advirtieron que era imposible verificar la vida en existencias pasadas, además de que no sirve de nada conocer el pasado. No ayuda en nada al adelanto individual de los Espíritus.
Los ítems 93 - 96 Identidad de los Espíritus, en el Libro ¿Qué es el Espiritismo?, escrito y publicado por Allan Kardec en eñ año 1859, Capítulo II, nos aporta información sobre éste tema.
Los MALOS ESPÍRITUS,
#93 - #96 Identidad de los Espíritus, Libro ¿Qué es el Espiritismo? Capítulo II...
IDENTIDAD de los ESPÍRITUS...
#93. Puesto que entre los Espíritus se encuentran todos los defectos de la humanidad, también existen entre ellos la astucia y la mentira. Algunos no tienen el menor escrúpulo de presentarse con los nombres más respetables para inspirar mayor confianza. Por lo tanto, debemos abstenernos de creer de un modo absoluto en la autenticidad de las firmas de los Espíritus.
#94. La identidad de los Espíritus es una de las grandes dificultades del espiritismo práctico. A menudo es imposible constatarla, sobre todo cuando se trata de Espíritus superiores, antiguos en relación con nuestra época. Entre aquellos que se manifiestan, muchos no tienen nombres para nosotros, de modo que para fijar nuestras ideas pueden tomar el de algún Espíritu conocido de la misma categoría que la suya. Así, en caso de que un Espíritu se comunique con el nombre de san Pedro, por ejemplo, nada prueba que sea precisamente el apóstol de ese nombre; tanto podrá ser él como otro Espíritu del mismo orden, o alguno enviado por él. La cuestión de la identidad es, en ese caso, absolutamente secundaria, y sería pueril atribuirle importancia. Lo que importa es la naturaleza de la enseñanza: ¿es buena o mala, digna o indigna del personaje que la firma? ¿La aceptaría san Pedro, o la desaprobaría? Esa es la cuestión.
#95. La identidad se puede verificar más fácilmente cuando se trata de Espíritus contemporáneos, cuyo carácter y hábitos son conocidos, porque a través de esos hábitos y de las particularidades de la vida privada se revela la identidad con mayor certeza y, a menudo, de modo irrefutable. cuando se evoca a un pariente o un amigo, lo que interesa es la personalidad, razón por la cual es muy natural que se busque verificar la identidad, no obstante, los medios que generalmente emplean para eso quienes sólo conocen el espiritismo de manera imperfecta son insuficientes y pueden inducir a error.
#96. El Espíritu revela su identidad por un número considerable de circunstancias que llaman la atención en las comunicaciones, en las cuales se reflejan sus hábitos, su carácter, su lenguaje, y hasta las locuciones que le son familiares. La identidad se revela
además en los detalles íntimos que el Espíritu comparte espontáneamente con las personas que ama. Esas son las mejores pruebas. con todo, es muy raro que un Espíritu satisfaga las preguntas directas que se le hagan al respecto, sobre todo si las formulan personas que le son indiferentes, movidas por la curiosidad o para obtener pruebas. El Espíritu demuestra su identidad como quiere, o como puede, de acuerdo con el tipo de facultad de su intérprete, y a menudo esas pruebas son abundantes. El error consiste en querer que las dé como lo desea el evocador, porque entonces el Espíritu se niega a someterse a esas exigencias. (véase El libro de los médiums, cap. XXIV: “Identidad de los Espíritus”; Revista Espírita, marzo de 1862: “carrière - constatación de identidad”.)
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IDENTIDAD DE LOS ESPÍRITUS, ¿Cómo reconocer Espíritus Buenos y los Malos Espíritus, según el Libro de Los Médiums, ítem #255 al #268.1 y #268.28
Es un hecho que los Espíritus dijeron que era imposible probar las existencias pasadas de ningún Espíritu, y menos tener información fidedigna de la condición de los Espíritus.
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¿Qué son los Secretos de Dios...???
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¿Quieres saber quién fue Emmanuel, QUÉ hizo en contra del Espiritismo Verdadero, PORQUÉ es un Espíritu MISTIFICADOR, CONTRADICTORIO, que impuso a la fuerza sus criterios, que descubrimos como un ESPÍRITU EMBUSTERO, NO EVOLUCIONADO y DETRACTOR DE LAS CREENCIAS DEL ESPIRITISMO VERDADERO?
Estás supuestas reencarnaciones de Allan Kardec, son imposible de verificar. Por lo tanto el contenido de este vídeo es Apócrifo, nada se puede probar.
Ver "15 das reencarnações de Kardec/Chico Xavier" en YouTube
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COMPARTE Éste ENLACE DE FACEBOOK.
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Te invito a compartir el éste contenido con tus amigos y familiares, sólo copia el siguiente enlace y lo pegas en tú página de Facebook e INSTAGRAM, así incluyes todo este contenido. Agradeceré no compartas el Video de ésta referencia, porqué no estarías explicando que el vídeo es falso y apócrifo....
En éste contenido se incluye información del padre Jesuita de Portugal, Manuel de Nobrega, y el supuesto Públio Lentulus Sura, y su bisnieto Públio Lentulus Cornelius, que mencionó Emmanuel y Chico Xavier en el libro 2,000 años. Facilmente es probado que sólo existió Publio Cornelio Léntulo Sura, que nació el año 162 a.C. y murió el 5 de diciembre del año 63 a.C (Es decir, murió 63 años antes antes de que Jesús el Nazareno naciera o encarnara). Publio Cornelio Léntulo, recibió su apodo de Sura cuando fue acusado por Sila, por fraude. Se puede demostrar que no existió el Publio Lentulus Sura de referencia a Emmanuel y Chico Xavier, el el libro apócrifo "hace 2,000 años". Este artículo es de referencia sobre la historia de estos personajes.
Según la historia, existió un Publio Cornelio Léntulo Sura, nació el año 162 a. C., murió el 5 de diciembre del año 63 a. C.) Es decir este personaje murió 63 años antes del nacimiento de Jesús el nacido en Nazaret. Él fue un político romano de la época republicana, una de las principales figuras de la conjura de Catilina.1 Pero no fueron dos personajes como dijo Chico Xavier y Emmanuel. Lo que ellos dijeron, pensaron que tal vez creyeron que nadie verificaría la información, que era falsa.
Te invito a leer mi otro artículo sobre este tema de que Públius Léntulu fue un personaje FICTICIO.
https://soyespirita.blogspot.com/2015/12/plubio-lentulo-existio-en-realidad-o.html
Te invito a leer mi otro artículo sobre este tema de que Públius Léntulu fue un personaje FICTICIO.
https://soyespirita.blogspot.com/2015/12/plubio-lentulo-existio-en-realidad-o.html
Este personaje que Chico Xavier decía que era una reencarnación de Emmanuel en el tiempo de Jesús, es FALSA. Dejaré esta información para futuras generaciones de nuevos adeptos del Espiritismo Verdadero.
Según publicado en Brasil, he aquí la dirección electrónica:
Los invito a leer la historia, que se publica en Brasil, que tratan de defender a Chico Xavier, sus fraudes, y misticismos. A continuación las historias falsas de Emmanuel en relación a Publio Lentulus Sura.
Alrededor del 79 aC vivió Públio Lentulus Sura, un cónsul, un hombre de muy poder y despiadado. Sura fue contemporáneo de Caio Júlio César, Marco Túlio Cícero, además de aliado político del temible Sérgio Lúcius Catilina. La personalidad del cónsul aparece claramente como la de un hombre que se creía destinado a gobernar Roma y que lo habría hecho si hubiera sido victorioso en la famosa rebelión que participó como figura exponencial.
Engañado por una profecía sobre tres Cornelius gobernando Roma, se imaginó como sucesor de sus parientes lejanos. Un poco más tarde, Tertuliano lo condenó a muerte, estrangulado, el 5 de diciembre del año 63 aC
Después de pasar cerca de 94 años reencarna como senador del Imperio Romano, ahora como público Lentulus Cornelius, bisnieto de Publio Lentulus Sura, su reencarnación anterior.
Nota de Frank Montanez: "Esta información es falsa, porque Publio Cornelius Lentulus Sura era un sólo personaje no dos"
Publio Léntulus era un hombre orgulloso, pero noble. Se casó con una excepcional mujer, Livia, que tanto amó, pero que también, le trae gran revuelta y sufrimiento por haber abrazado el Cristianismo. Tenían dos hijos, Flávia Lentulia y Marcus. Su hija fue atacada por el mal de la lepra, hoy conocido como lepra. Como Flávia estaba muy enferma, Publio Lentulus recibió del emperador Tiberio la designación para alto cargo público en Palestina, donde había un clima mucho más ameno para que la niña pudiera de alguna forma restablecer.
Fue así que tuvo la gran oportunidad de encontrar a Jesús. Su esposa Livia, que ya había oído hablar del Nazareno, le imploró que pudiera buscar al profeta en la esperanza de una curación definitiva para la pequeñita, visto el gran número de comentarios del pueblo en aquella época sobre las curaciones operadas por Jesús. El senador asistió al pedido de la esposa amada, diciéndole, sin embargo, que iba en busca del Mesías, pero que no llegaría al colmo de abordarlo personalmente.
En la ciudad de Cafarnaum, en Galilea, cuando las horas más concurridas del día se escoran y el crepúsculo comenzó a hacerse visible, el senador entonces se colocó en camino hacia un lago de la ciudad. Después de más de una hora de expectativa, se dio entonces el encuentro de Publicio Lentulus con Jesús. Ante sus ojos ansiosos, estaba una personalidad inconfundible y única.
Lágrimas ardientes le rodaron de los ojos, que raras veces habían llorado, y fuerza misteriosa e invencible lo arrojó arrodillarse en el césped lavado en la luz de la luna. Deseó hablar, pero tenía el pecho sofocado y opresivo. Fue cuando, entonces, en un gesto dulce y de soberana bondad, el meigo Nazareno caminó hacia él, era como si aquella visión fuera la visión concretizada de uno de los dioses de sus antiguas creencias, y, posando cariñosamente la diestra en su frente, exclamó en su frente, el lenguaje encantador, que público entendió perfectamente, dándole inolvidable impresión de que la palabra era de espíritu para el espíritu, de corazón a corazón. El senador quiso hablar, pero la voz estaba embargada por la emoción y por profundos sentimientos. Deseó retirarse, sin embargo, en ese momento, notó que el Profeta de Nazaret se transfiguraba de ojos fijos en el cielo. Aquel lago, el Lago de Genesaré, debería ser un santuario de sus meditaciones y de sus oraciones, en el corazón perfumado de la naturaleza. Lágrimas copiosas le lavaron el rostro, bañado, entonces por una claridad blanda, evidenciando su belleza serena e indefinible melancolía ...
¿Qué consecuencias de ese encuentro con el Divino Maestro?
Nota de Frank Montañez : "Este encuentro nunca ocurrió, fue otra mentira de Chico Xavier, y muy fácil verificar que este supuesto encuentro con Jesús tuviera lugar, porque no existió este personaje según lo relató Chico Xavier).La curación de su hija, Flavia, y Lívia, esposa del senador, que era una dama patricia, se vuelve cristiana. Y él, que había sido invitado por el maestro a seguirle, entre las opciones que le fueron presentadas, de servir a Dios o a Mamón, eligió servir a Mamón, al mundo. Volvió a las lides políticas y se rehusó a admitir ser Jesús el autor del restablecimiento de la niña. El día en que Jesús fue juzgado y condenado a muerte el patricio romano estuvo al lado de Poncio Pilatos, pero nada dijo o hizo en beneficio del nazareno. Solamente más tarde, Públius Léntulus había venido a comprender y aceptar el Evangelio de Jesús en los últimos tiempos de su rotación terrestre, cuando regresó de Jerusalén a su residencia en Pompeya. Después de años de ceguera, él desencarnó en la polvorosa erupción del Vesubio,
Nota de Frank Montañez : "Falso, no existían los Evangelios hasta el año 397 d. C., imposible que esto ocurrirá) .
En el prefacio del libro "Hace dos mil años" él escribe: "Para mí estos recuerdos han sido muy suaves, pero también muy amargos. Suaves por la rememoración de los recuerdos amistosos, pero profundamente dolorosos, considerando mi corazón empedernido, que no supo aprovechar el minuto radiante que suena en el reloj de mi vida de Espíritu, hace dos mil años. El 20 de diciembre de 1971, en el canal 4, de la extinta TV Tupi, en el programa Pinga Fuego, Francisco Cándido Xavier confirmó que Emmanuel fuera el Padre Manoel da Nóbrega, el admirable sacerdote que antes de reencarnar, visitó en espíritu el Brasil recién descubierto; contempló los bosques, se apiñó de los indígenas y amó a la Tierra de Santa Cruz. Se prepara para la gran misión que Dios le había reservado. Emmanuel, este es el nombre de una de las más luminosas entidades espirituales a las figura en los campamentos espiritistas. Cuando citamos el nombre del Mentor, nos acordamos siempre del espíritu humilde, generoso, de personalidad, cuyas características demuestran una evolución intelecto-moral equilibrada. Sin embargo, la participación del noble espíritu junto al Espiritismo antecede al trasplante del Consolador a las plagas brasileñas, pues existe una página de su autoría espiritual en "el Evangelio según el Espiritismo", en el capítulo XI, "Amar al prójimo como a sí mismo" , en el ítem 11, titulada "El egoísmo". Él escribió ese mensaje en París, en 1861. porque existe una página de su autoría espiritual en "el Evangelio según el Espiritismo", en el capítulo XI, "Amar al prójimo como a sí mismo", en el ítem 11, titulado "El egoísmo". Él escribió ese mensaje en París, en 1861. porque existe una página de su autoría espiritual en "el Evangelio según el Espiritismo", en el capítulo XI, "Amar al prójimo como a sí mismo", en el ítem 11, titulado "El egoísmo". Él escribió ese mensaje en París, en 1861.
Entre las varias obras que Emmanuel psicografió por Chico, sería imposible dejar de citar los cinco romances producidos en las décadas de 40 y 50: "Hace dos mil años, cincuenta años después, Ave, Cristo, Pablo y Esteban y Renuncia, relatando algunos de ellos , algunas de sus experiencias reencarnaciones. Es considerado en el medio espírita como quinto evangelista por la superior interpretación del pensamiento de Jesús, analizando los sublimes textos del Evangelio en sus libros, principalmente en: Camino, Verdad y Vida; Y en el caso de las mujeres, En toda la elaboración de la extensa obra mediúmnica de Chico Xavier, Emmanuel dio incontestables e interminables atendimientos, en las memorables reuniones psicográficas de consuelo, atendiendo a familiares de éste y del otro mundo, durante los trabajos asistenciales de todos los matices; en las sesiones de desobsesión y asistencia a los espíritus sufridos, en las presentaciones públicas del médium y, sobre todo, en los episodios en que se desistieron los más sarcásticos ataques al tutelado ya la causa espírita. Nunca el amoroso Mentor de Chico dejó de representar la presencia marcante de la protección y de la Asistencia Divina, atestando su obra imbatible que fructifica y aún muy fructificará, pues tiene por fundamento el mensaje rediviva del mismo Cristo de Dios
Texto del libro
Emmanuel Responde
Psicografía de Chico Xavier y Wagner Gomes de la Pasión
Edición de la Biblia
Emmanuel, inolvidable guía y apóstol mediúmnico, es autor de más de un centenar de libros psicografiados por Chico Xavier.
Aunque Chico se inició en el Espiritismo a los 17 años, el 7 de mayo de 1927, sólo a partir de 1931 Emmanuel pasó a guiar sus manos, "un viajero muy educado buscando domar un animal frenado e inquieto, a fin de realizar una larga excursión ", Según palabras del propio Chico Xavier.
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Toda esta historia de Emmanuel, no tiene corroboración, ni validación Mediúmnica. Usted lo cree por fe ciega. Ninguno de estos personajes, vivieron precisamente en el tiempo de Jesús el Nazareno. A continuación tenemos la información publicada sobre este personaje en la historia de Roma. Toda esta información abona a las mentiras de Emmanuel y Chico Xavier.
Publio Cornelio Léntulo (cónsul 162 a. C.)
Publio Cornelio Léntulo (en latín, Publius Cornelius L. f. L. n. Lentulus) fue probablemente hijo del cónsul del año 199 a. C., Lucio Cornelio Léntulo, y cónsul suffectus a su vez en el año 162 a. C.
Ejerció como edil curul en 169 a.C. junto a Escipión Nasica y celebró unos juegos dedicados a la diosa Circe en los que se exhibieron elefantes y osos.1
En el año 168 a. C. fue con dos legados más a negociar con el rey Perseo de Macedonia, pero sin resultado.2
En 162 a. C. fue cónsul sufecto junto con Cneo Domicio Ahenobarbo, en reemplazo de los cónsules titulares de ese año, debido a que la elección de estos últimos cónsules fue declarada nula.3
En 125 a. C. recibió el título de princeps senatus.4 y vivió hasta una avanzada edad porque todavía aparece en las luchas contra Gayo Graco del año 121 a. C., donde resultó herido.5
Referencias
| Precedido por: Publio Cornelio Escipión Nasica Corculum y Cayo Marcio Fígulo | Cónsul (sufecto) de la República Romana junto con Cneo Domicio Ahenobarbo 162 a. C. | Sucedido por: Marco Valerio Mesala y Cayo Fannio Estrabón |
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Publio Cornelio Léntulo Sura (en latín, Publius Cornelius P. f. P. n. Lentulus Sura; muerto el 5 de diciembre de 63 a. C.) fue un político romano de la época republicana, una de las principales figuras de la conjura de Catilina.1
Biografía
Nieto del cónsul suffectus del año 162 a. C. Publio Cornelio Léntulo, recibió su apodo de Sura cuando fue acusado por Sila (de quien había recibido el cargo de cuestor en 81 a. C.2) de haber derrochado dinero público, de lo cual se negó a rendir cuenta alguna mientras insolentemente se agarraba de la pantorrilla (en latín, sura), una parte del cuerpo de los jóvenes que era castigada cuando cometen errores jugando al balón.2 Otras fuentes, sin embargo, establecen que el nombre venía de antes, quizá de la familia de Léntulo.3 Fue posteriormente nombrado pretor (75 a. C.), gobernador de Sicilia (74 a. C.) y cónsul (71 a. C.).4
Fue durante su pretura que Hortensio no tuvo ninguna dificultad en lograr la absolución de Terencio Varrón, cuando este último fue acusado de extorsión.5
En el año 70 a. C., tras ser expulsado del Senado por inmoralidad entre otros cargos,6 se unió a la conspiración de Catilina. Confiado en un vaticinio de las sibilas que afirmaba que tres Cornelii serían gobernantes de Roma, Léntulo se creyó entonces el sucesor de Lucio Cornelio Sila y Lucio Cornelio Cinna.7 Cuando Catilina abandonó Roma tras el primer discurso de Cicerón en su contra (In Catilinam), Léntulo ocupó su lugar como líder de los conspiradores en la ciudad. Así, volvió a ser pretor en 63 a. C.,8 y junto a Cayo Cornelio Cetego, planificó el asesinato de Cicerón y el incendio de Roma, si bien este plan fracasó debido a su timidez e indiscreción.9
Unos embajadores de los galos alóbroges, que permanecían en ese momento en Roma como portadores de una queja formal contra los gobernantes de su provincia por opresión, recibieron las insinuaciones de Léntulo para obtener de ellos ayuda armada. Fingiendo aceptar sus propuestas, los embajadores lograron un acuerdo escrito firmado por los principales conspiradores, e informaron a su jefe Quinto Fabio Sanga, que a su vuelta a Roma avisó a Cicerón de la trama.
Los conspiradores fueron así arrestados, y obligados a reconocer su culpabilidad. Léntulo fue obligado a renunciar a su cargo de pretor, puesto en custodia del edil Publio Léntulo Spinther,10 y, temiendo que pudiera existir un intento para rescatarlo, fue ejecutado en el Tullianum (Cárcel Mamertina) el 5 de diciembre del año 63 a. C.11
Su hijastro Marco Antonio acusó a Cicerón de negarse a entregar su cadáver para su entierro.12
Referencias
1. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, In Catilinam libro iii, 5, libro iv. 6; Asconio, ad Divin. 21
2. ↑ Saltar a:a b Plutarco, Cicerón 17.
3. Volver arriba↑ Tito Livio, libro xxii 31, Suetonio, Domicino 13; Dion Casio; libro lxviii 9, 15.
4. Volver arriba↑ Fasti, A. U. 682, Veleyo Patérculo, Historia Romana libro ii. 34, Dion Casio, Historia Romana libro xxxvii. 30
5. Volver arriba↑ Asconio, ad Divin. 7; Plutarco, Cicerón 17; Acron., ad Horat. Serm. libro ii. 1. 49
6. Volver arriba↑ Aulo Gelio Noches Áticas libro v. 6; Plutarco Cicerón 17
7. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, In Catilinam libro iii. 4, libro iv. 1, 6; Salustio Catilina 47
8. Volver arriba↑ Salustio, Bellum Catilinae 17, 46, & c.
9. Volver arriba↑ Salustio, Catilina 32, 43, Cicerón, in Catilinam libro iii. 4, libro iv, 1,6, Bruto 66, & c.
10. Volver arriba↑ Comp. Cicerón in Catilinam libro iii. 6, libro iv. 3, Post Reditum in Quirites 6; Salustio, Catilina 50, & c.
11. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, pro Flacco 40, & c., Philippicae libro ii. 7; Salustio Catilina 55, & c.
12. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Philippicae libro ii. 7, Plutarco, Antonio 2
Bibliografía
· Dión Casio xxxvii. 30, xlvi. 20
· Salustio, Catilina
· Cicerón, en Catilinam, iii., iv.; Favorable Sulla, 25.
Precedido por:
Lucio Gelio Publícola y Cneo Cornelio Léntulo Clodiano |
Cónsul de la República Romana
junto con Cneo Aufidio Orestes 71 a. C. |
Sucedido por:
Marco Licinio Craso Dives y Cneo Pompeyo Magno |
______________________________________________________________
(Redirigido desde «Lucio Sergio Catilina»)
Cicerón pronuncia su discurso contra Catilina, por el pintorneorrenacentista y escultor italiano Cesare Maccari.
Lucio Sergio Catilina (en latín Lucius Sergius Cătĭlīnă; 108 a. C. - 62 a. C.), más conocido como Catilina, fue un destacado político romano de la era tardorrepublicana, perteneciente a la facción de los populares. Catilina ha pasado a la historia por ser el protagonista de la llamada conjuración de Catilina, una conspiración que, según las acusaciones formuladas por Marco Tulio Cicerón, habría consistido en destruir la república romana. Tal acusación, en los términos que fue planteada, es, según diversos autores, exagerada y vacía de significado.1
Catilina es una de las figuras más enigmáticas de la historia de Roma; envilecida y desdibujada por los cronistas e historiadores clásicos. Las dos fuentes principales de información sobre Catilina son precisamente las más hostiles al personaje. Marco Tulio Cicerón, su mayor enemigo político, no ahorró ninguna denuncia contra él, especialmente en sus discursos llamados Catilinarias, mientras Cayo Salustio Crispo le atribuyó algunos de los más viles crímenes en su monografía moralista De coniuratione Catilinae. Aun así, muchas de las peores acusaciones contra él, como la de que hacía sacrificios humanos, eran con mucha probabilidad meras invenciones. A pesar de ello, la «Conjuración de Catilina» sigue siendo uno de los más famosos y turbulentos hechos de las últimas décadas de la república romana.
_______________________________________________
Publio Cornelio Léntulo Espínter (en latín, Publius Cornelius P. f. L. n. Lentulus Spinther), apodado así por su parecido con un popular actor de ese nombre, fue un político romano del siglo I a. C. Provenía de una antigua familia patricia romana de la gens Cornelia. Cuestor en 74 a. C., edil curul en 63 a. C., bajo el consulado de Cicerón, pretor urbano en 60 a. C., gracias a su amistad con César fue enviado como propretor a Hispania y nombrado pontífice. Cónsul en 57 a. C., ayudó a Cicerón a regresar del exilio y a recuperar sus bienes. De 56 a 53 a. C. se le encargó el gobierno de Cilicia, encomendándosele restaurar en el trono de Egipto a Ptolomeo XII Auletes, acción que no llegó a ejecutar. Obtuvo un triunfo que celebró en 51 a. C.
A pesar de su amicitia con César, durante la segunda guerra civil pesaron más sus lazos con Cicerón y Pompeyo Magno, alineándose con el heterogéneo partido anticesariano. Capturado en Corfinio, César lo liberó al poco, yendo a reunirse con Pompeyo. Combatió en Farsalia, y tras la derrota pompeyana se trasladó a Rodas, donde murió al cabo de un año, tal vez por orden del propio César.
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· 1Vida
Vida
Ascenso político
Publio Cornelio Léntulo Espínter consiguió su primer cargo público en 63 a. C. (el año del consulado de Marco Tulio Cicerón) cuando fue votado para el cargo de edil curul. Como edil curul, Espínter asistió a Cicerón en la desarticulación de la conspiración de Lucio Sergio Catilina. En este cargo se distinguió por el esplendor de los juegos que ofreció (aunque la verdadera grandeza estribaba en las rayas moradas que usó en su toga, ofendiendo a muchos romanos a quienes el morado les parecía un símbolo de la realeza, por tanto contrario al modelo de un buen romano, aunque ganándose las simpatías del pueblo llano)123
A pesar del escándalo la carrera de Espínter no sufrió, y fue elegido pretor en el 60 a. C.. Fue durante su pretura, en los juegos Apollinaris que, por primera vez, colocó un toldo sobre el teatro4 y adornó las escenas con plata.5
Posteriormente en 59 a. C. como propretor recibió el gobierno de la Hispania Citerior. Como gobernador de la provincia, cargo en el que permaneció hasta 58 a. C.,67 Léntulo Espínter recibió en un primer momento el apoyo de Cayo Julio César. Como propretor en Hispania, Publio Cornelio Léntulo acuñó una moneda en la que estaban su nombre y su apodo, siendo Espínter ahora su apodo oficial, que le distinguía de los otros miembros homónimos de su rama de la gens Cornelia.
Espínter volvió a recibir el apoyo de Cayo Julio César, cuando se presentó a la elección del más alto cargo público de la Roma Republicana, el consulado en 57 a. C.Con el apoyo de César, la campaña electoral de Espínter fue exitosa y fue elegido como uno de los dos cónsules de 57 a. C., junto a Quinto Cecilio Metelo Nepote. En el primer día de su consulado (1 de enero de 57) propuso llamar del exilio a Marco Tulio Cicerón. A partir de entonces el orador habló de él en amables y agradecidos términos dando las gracias en una larga carta dirigida a Léntulo Espínter.8 A pesar de su deuda con Julio César tomó partido por la aristocracia aunque se opuso a promover a Gneo Pompeyo a cargo de la Superintendencia del mercado del grano.
Proconsulado
A finales de su consulado, Espínter fue elegido como gobernador proconsular de Cilicia.9 Obtuvo un decreto a favor de la restauración de Ptolomeo XII Auletes como rey de Egipto y se preparaba para ir a este país cuando una estatua de Júpiter fue destruida por un rayo (diciembre) en el Monte Albano, y consultados los libros sibilinos y un oráculo, la restauración mediante la fuerza fue prohibida. Catón, que acababa de convertirse en tribuno de la plebe, era un enemigo de Léntulo y apoyó al oráculo, que probablemente había sido pensado principalmente contra Pompeyo, y ordenó a los quindecemviros de leerlo en público.10 El asunto fue llevado ante el Senado, donde Léntulo tuvo el apoyo de Hortensio y de Lúculo, y el partido aristocrático dirigido por Bíbulo optó por una solución intermedia, pidiendo enviar a tres embajadores a Egipto, propuesta que fue rechazada. El nuevo cónsul Marcelino procuró aplazar la cuestión sine die y así quedó hasta 55 a. C., cuando el gobernador de Siria Aulo Gabinio ignoró la autoridad del senado y efectuó la restauración.11
Inmediatamente después del fin de su consulado, Espínter fue elegido por el Senado como proconsul de Cilicia (y Chipre), cargo que ejerció desde el año 56 a. C.hasta julio de 53 a. C.. Se convirtió en un buen gobernador proconsular cuidando de los mejores intereses de sus súbditos y no enriqueciéndose a sus expensas. Como gobernador de una rica provincia en el Este, Léntulo acuñó unas grandes monedas de plata (cistóforos) en Apameia, Frigia, que portaban su nombre - P LENTVLVS P F IMPERATOR -. Estas monedas tenían unos 25 mm de diámetro y su peso estaba en torno a 10,65 gramos. Además realizó una campaña en las montañas Amanus con un notable éxito; Cicerón apoyó su reclamación de los honores de un triunfo que no le fueron otorgados hasta 51 a. C. cuando Cicerón estaba a Cilicia.
La guerra civil
Debido al rencor que guardaba a César (al que consideraba un hombre bastante arrogante), cada vez tendió a apoyar más a la facción del senado liderada por Cneo Pompeyo Magno. Este progresivo distanciamiento con César hizo que cuando estalló la guerra civil entre los aliados de Cneo Pompeyo Magno y Cayo Julio César en 49 a. C., Publio Cornelio Léntulo Espínter se alió sin dudarlo con Pompeyo, donde obtuvo el comando de 10 cohortes en Picenum. Al acercarse el enemigo, Léntulo huyó y se unió a Domicio Enobarbo en Corfinium. Cuando César llegó al lugar y Pompeyo se negó a acudir en su ayuda, Léntulo fue autorizado por la guarnición a entablar negociaciones con César. El general lo recibió favorablemente, le dejó marcharse con sus amigos, y tomó a sus tropas a su servicio.12
En 48 a. C., el ejército principal de Pompeyo se enfrentó al de César en la batalla de Farsalia, donde antes de la batalla, lo encontramos disputando con Metelo Escipión, y con Domicio, que quien tenía el mejor derecho a suceder a César como pontifex maximus.14 Esta batalla resultó una derrota definitiva y aplastante para las fuerzas pompeyanas, Pompeyo huyó a Egipto, (donde fue inmediatamente decapitado por el faraón egipcio Ptolomeo XIII) en una verdadera equivocación en su intento de congraciarse con César). Espínter huyó a Rodas, donde primero se le rechazó la admisión, pero inmediatamente se le concedió asilo.15
Según Sexto Aurelio Víctor, más tarde cayó en las manos de César y fue asesinado. Este hecho está justificado por una fuente contemporánea que explica que quizá su hijo, P. Cornelius P. f. P. n. Lentulus Spinther, se uniera a los asesinos de César, Cayo Casio Longino y Marco Junio Bruto acuñando monedas para ellos durante la guerra civil en contra de las fuerzas de Marco Antonio y Cayo Julio César Octaviano Augusto. Su hijo también adoptó el apodo de Espínter, que puso junto a su nombre al acuñar moneda.
Referencias
1. Volver arriba↑ Salustio, De Catilinae coniuratione 47
2. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón; De Officiis libro ii. 16
3. Volver arriba↑ Plinio Historia Natural libro ix. 63, libro xxxvi. 12
4. Volver arriba↑ Plinio, Historia Natural libro xix. 6
5. Volver arriba↑ Valerio Máximo; Hechos y dichos memorables libro ii. 4. § 6.
6. Volver arriba↑ César, De Bello Civili libro i. 22
7. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón; Epistulae ad Familiares libro i. 9 § 4
8. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón; Pro Sext. 40, 69, Brutus 77, Epistulae ad Atticum libro iii. 22. &c; Epistulae ad Familiares libro i 1.9.
9. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Atticum libro iv 1, Epistulae ad Familiares libro i. 1 § 7, Plutarco, Vidas Paralelas, Pompeyo 49
10. Volver arriba↑ Fenestella, ap. Non. Marcell. p. 385, ed. Lips 1826
11. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Familiares libro i., Epistulae ad Quintum Fratrem libro libro ii. 2 & 6, Plutarco, Vidas Parelelas, Pompeyo 49; Dion Casio, Historia Romana libro xxxix. 15, 16
12. Volver arriba↑ César, De Bello Civili libro i. 15-23
13. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Atticum, libro ix. 11, 13, 15
14. Volver arriba↑ César, De Bello Civili, libro iii 83.
15. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Familiares libro xii. 14; César, De Bello Civili libro iii. 102
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(Redirigido desde «Cneo Cornelio Léntulo Marcelino (cónsul 56 a. C.)»)
Cneo o Gneo Cornelio Léntulo Marcelino a (m. c. 46 a. C.) fue un político y militar romano del siglo I a. C. perteneciente a la gens Cornelia.
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· 1Familia
· 4Notas
Familia
Léntulo Marcelino fue miembro de los Cornelios Léntulos, una rama patricia de la gens Cornelia. Su padre, Publio Cornelio Léntulo Marcelino,1 fue en origen miembro de los Claudios Marcelos.
Estuvo casado al menos en dos ocasiones. Se desconoce la identidad de su primera esposa, pero la segunda fue probablemente Escribonia, que era unos veinte años más joven que él y que se convirtió en la segunda esposa del primer emperador romano Cayo Julio César Octaviano Augusto.
Con la primera esposa fue padre de Léntulo Marcelino, cuestor de Cayo Julio César, y comandante de las fortificaciones de Dirrachyum en 48 a. C. Probablemente murió poco antes de 47 a. C.
Escribonia volvió a casarse con Publio Cornelio Escipión Salvito con el que tuvo dos hijos, P. Cornelio Escipión y Cornelia Escipión; después contrajo matrimonio con Octavio Augusto y fue la madre de su única hija, Julia la Mayor.
Carrera política
Participó muy joven a la acusación contra Verres. (70 a. C.)2 En 61 a. C., aparece apoyando a su pariente, Lucio Cornelio Léntulo Crus, en la acusación contra Publio Clodio, por la violación de los misterios de la Bona Dea. Después fue pretor en 59 a. C. y presidió el juicio contra Cayo Antonio, el colega de Cicerón.3
Al año siguiente, fue gobernador de Siria durante casi dos años, donde combatió los ataques depredadores de las vecinas tribus árabes.4
Consulado
En el año 57 a. C. ya estaba en Roma y se presentó a las elecciones a cónsul, cargo que ejerció en el año 56 a. C. junto con Lucio Marcio Filipo. A final de año se destacó en favorecer el regreso del exilio de Cicerón y tras su regreso procuró la restauración de su casa y de sus propiedades.5
Durante su consulado, Marcelino se opuso fuertemente a las violentas facciones de Publio Clodio y del tribuno Marco Porcio Catón; y por esta conducta se ganó el elogio de Cicerón de ser uno de los mejores cónsules que había visto nunca.6
También procuró limitar la influencia de Pompeyo impidiendo que fuera enviado a Egipto para restaurar a Ptolomeo XII Auletes y parece que fue esta actitud la que después indujo a Pompeyo a participar en el acuerdo de Luca entre los triunviros.78
Poco se dice de Marcelino después de la expiración de su consulado, y se desconoce cuándo murió. Cicerón alaba su elocuencia, que se muestra especialmente durante la época en que fue cónsul.9 Ocupó el oficio sacerdotal de uno de los Epulones10
Notas
1. Volver arriba↑ En latín, Cn. Cornelius P. f. Lentulus Marcellinus.
1.
Dion Casio, Historia Romana libro xxxix.
Dion Casio, Historia Romana libro xxxix.
2. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Divinatio in Caecilium 4, in Verrem libro ii. 42
3. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, in Vatin. 11; Orell. Onom. Tull. p. 177
4. Volver arriba↑ Apiano, De rebus Syriacis 51.
5. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Atticum libro iv. 2, 3, Epistulae ad Quintum Fratrem libro ii. 1, de Haruspicum Responsis libro i. 7.
6. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Quintum Fratrem libro ii. 6
7. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Familiares libro i. 1, 2, Epistulae ad Familiares libro ii. 6
8. Volver arriba↑ Dion Casio, Historia Romana, libro xxxix. 16, 18
9. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Brutus 70.
10. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, de Haruspicum Responsis 10
Precedido por:
Publio Cornelio Léntulo Spinther y Quinto Cecilio Metelo Nepote |
Cónsul de la República Romana junto
con Lucio Marcio Filipo 56 a. C. |
Sucedido por:
Cneo Pompeyo Magno y Marco Licinio Craso |
___________________________________________________
Publio Cornelio Léntulo Sura (en latín, Publius Cornelius P. f. P. n. Lentulus Sura; muerto el 5 de diciembre de 63 a. C.) fue un político romano de la época republicana, una de las principales figuras de la conjura de Catilina.1
Biografía
Nieto del cónsul suffectus del año 162 a. C. Publio Cornelio Léntulo, recibió su apodo de Sura cuando fue acusado por Sila (de quien había recibido el cargo de cuestor en 81 a. C.2) de haber derrochado dinero público, de lo cual se negó a rendir cuenta alguna mientras insolentemente se agarraba de la pantorrilla (en latín, sura), una parte del cuerpo de los jóvenes que era castigada cuando cometían errores jugando al balón.2 Otras fuentes, sin embargo, establecen que el nombre venía de antes, quizá de la familia de Léntulo.3 Fue posteriormente nombrado pretor (75 a. C.), gobernador de Sicilia (74 a. C.) y cónsul (71 a. C.).4
Fue durante su pretura que Hortensio no tuvo ninguna dificultad en lograr la absolución de Terencio Varrón, cuando este último fue acusado de extorsión.5
En el año 70 a. C., tras ser expulsado del Senado por inmoralidad entre otros cargos,6 se unió a la conspiración de Catilina. Confiado en un vaticinio de las sibilas que afirmaba que tres Cornelii serían gobernantes de Roma, Léntulo se creyó entonces el sucesor de Lucio Cornelio Sila y Lucio Cornelio Cinna.7 Cuando Catilina abandonó Roma tras el primer discurso de Cicerón en su contra (In Catilinam), Léntulo ocupó su lugar como líder de los conspiradores en la ciudad. Así, volvió a ser pretor en 63 a. C.,8 y junto a Cayo Cornelio Cetego, planificó el asesinato de Cicerón y el incendio de Roma, si bien este plan fracasó debido a su timidez e indiscreción.9
Unos embajadores de los galos alóbroges, que permanecían en ese momento en Roma como portadores de una queja formal contra los gobernantes de su provincia por opresión, recibieron las insinuaciones de Léntulo para obtener de ellos ayuda armada. Fingiendo aceptar sus propuestas, los embajadores lograron un acuerdo escrito firmado por los principales conspiradores, e informaron a su jefe Quinto Fabio Sanga, que a su vuelta a Roma avisó a Cicerón de la trama.
Los conspiradores fueron así arrestados, y obligados a reconocer su culpabilidad. Léntulo fue obligado a renunciar a su cargo de pretor, puesto en custodia del edil Publio Léntulo Spinther,10 y, temiendo que pudiera existir un intento para rescatarlo, fue ejecutado en el Tullianum (Cárcel Mamertina) el 5 de diciembre del año 63 a. C.11
Su hijastro Marco Antonio acusó a Cicerón de negarse a entregar su cadáver para su entierro.12
Referencias
1. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, In Catilinam libro iii, 5, libro iv. 6; Asconio, ad Divin. 21
2. ↑ Saltar a:a b Plutarco, Cicerón 17.
3. Volver arriba↑ Tito Livio, libro xxii 31, Suetonio, Domicino 13; Dion Casio; libro lxviii 9, 15.
4. Volver arriba↑ Fasti, A. U. 682, Veleyo Patérculo, Historia Romana libro ii. 34, Dion Casio, Historia Romana libro xxxvii. 30
5. Volver arriba↑ Asconio, ad Divin. 7; Plutarco, Cicerón 17; Acron., ad Horat. Serm. libro ii. 1. 49
6. Volver arriba↑ Aulo Gelio Noches Áticas libro v. 6; Plutarco Cicerón 17
7. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, In Catilinam libro iii. 4, libro iv. 1, 6; Salustio Catilina 47
8. Volver arriba↑ Salustio, Bellum Catilinae 17, 46, & c.
9. Volver arriba↑ Salustio, Catilina 32, 43, Cicerón, in Catilinam libro iii. 4, libro iv, 1,6, Bruto 66, & c.
10. Volver arriba↑ Comp. Cicerón in Catilinam libro iii. 6, libro iv. 3, Post Reditum in Quirites 6; Salustio, Catilina 50, & c.
11. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, pro Flacco 40, & c., Philippicae libro ii. 7; Salustio Catilina 55, & c.
12. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Philippicae libro ii. 7, Plutarco, Antonio 2
Bibliografía
· Dión Casio xxxvii. 30, xlvi. 20
· Salustio, Catilina
· Cicerón, en Catilinam, iii., iv.; Favorable Sulla, 25.
Precedido por:
Lucio Gelio Publícola y Cneo Cornelio Léntulo Clodiano |
Cónsul de la República Romana
junto con Cneo Aufidio Orestes 71 a. C. |
Sucedido por:
Marco Licinio Craso Dives y Cneo Pompeyo Magno |
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Publius Cornelius Lentulus was the name of a number of notable Romans:
· Publius Cornelius Lentulus Scipio, Roman senator, suffect consul in 24
· Publius Cornelius Lentulus Sura, Catiline conspirator
· Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, provincial governor and a supporter of Cicero
See also
_____________________________________________________________
Para otras personas del mismo nombre, véase Publio Cornelio Léntulo Escipión (desambiguación).
Publio Cornelio Léntulo Escipión a fue un político y militar romano del siglo I que desarrolló su carrera durante el imperio de Tiberio y Claudio.
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· 3Notas
Familia
Léntulo Escipión fue hijo Publio Cornelio Léntulo Escipión y hermano de Publio Cornelio Escipión Orestino.1 Estuvo casado en dos ocasiones. No se conoce el nombre de su primera esposa, con la que fue padre de Publio Cornelio Léntulo Escipión,1 pero en segundas nupcias se casó con Popea Sabina la Mayor, madre de Popea Sabina, con la que tuvo a Publio Cornelio Escipión Asiático.2
Cursus honorum
Obtuvo la pretura en algún momento antes del año 24 3 cuando fue consul suffectus durante el segundo semestre del año.4 Combatió en la guerra contra Tacfarinasal frente de la legión IX Hispana,5 puesto que ocupó entre los años 20 y 23-24.6 Debido a que esta legión tenía sus cuarteles en Panonia,7 es probable que Escipión fuera quien la condujese hasta África y de regreso a Europa.6 Su relación con los parientes de Sejano fue quizá la causa del retraso de su carrera política pues no alcanzó el proconsulado de Asia hasta el año 41.8
Notas
1. Volver arriba↑ En latín, P. Cornelius Lentulus Scipio.
Referencias
1. ↑ Saltar a:a b Tobalina Oraá, 2007, p. 452.
2. Volver arriba↑ Lightman, 2008, p. 268.
3. Volver arriba↑ Tobalina Oraá, 2007, p. 128.
4. Volver arriba↑ Tobalina Oraá, 2007, p. 431.
5. Volver arriba↑ Tácito. Anales, III, 74
6. ↑ Saltar a:a b Tobalina Oraá, 2007, p. 203, n. 70.
7. Volver arriba↑ Le Bohec, 2013, p. 287.
8. Volver arriba↑ Tobalina Oraá, 2007, p. 357.
Bibliografía
· Le Bohec, Yann (2013). El ejército romano (en inglés). Traducido por Ignacio Hierro. Barcelona: Ariel. ISBN 9788434411821.
· Lightman, Marjorie; Lightman, Benjamin (2008). A to Z of Ancient Greek and Roman Women (en inglés). Facts on File. ISBN 9780816067107.
· Tobalina Oraá, Eva (2007). El cursus honorum senatorial durante la época Julio-Claudia. Barañáin (Navarra): Eunsa. ISBN 9788431324339.
Predecesor:
Servio Cornelio Cetego y Lucio Viselio Varrón |
Consul suffectus del Imperio Romano
junto con Gayo Calpurnio Aviola Junio a diciembre de 24 |
Sucesor:
Coso Cornelio Léntulo y Sejano |
Predecesor:
Lucio Casio Longino |
Sucesor:
Cayo Salustio Crispo Pasieno |
· Pretores
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Esta página de desambiguación enumera artículos que tienen títulos similares.
Publio Cornelio Léntulo Escipión puede referirse a las siguientes personas de la Antigua Roma:
· Publio Cornelio Léntulo Escipión.— Cónsul suffectus en el año 24.
· Publio Cornelio Léntulo Escipión (cónsul 2).— Cónsul suffectus en el año 2. (Este no existe CUIDADO)
· Publio Cornelio Léntulo Escipión (cónsul 56).— Cónsul en el año 56.
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http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0022%3Avolume%3D1%3Ayear%3D56
B.C. 56. Coss., Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, L Marcius Philippus.
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In the year B.C. 56 the growing differences between the triumvirs were temporarily composed at the meeting at Luca, and Cicero made up his mind that the only course for him to pursue was to attach himself to them, as the party of the bonihad not, as he hoped, taken advantage of those differences to attach Pompey to themselves as a leader against Caesar. His recantation is indicated in the speeches de provinciis Consularibus and Pro Balbo, in which he practically supports part, at least, of the arrangements of Luca.
XCIV (F 1, 1)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)ROME, 13 JANUARY
Whatever attention or affection I may shew you1 , though it may seem sufficient in the eyes of others, can never seem sufficient in my own. For such has been the magnitude of your services to me that, inasmuch as you never rested till my affair was brought to a conclusion, while I cannot effect the same in your cause, 2 I regard my life as a burden. The difficulties are these. The king's agent, Hammonius, is openly attacking us by bribery. The business is being carried out by means of the same money-lenders as it was when you were in town. Such people as wish it done for the king's sake—and they are few—are all for intrusting the business to Pompey. The senate supports the trumped—up religious scruple, not from any respect to religion, but from ill-feeling towards him, and disgust at the king's outrageous bribery. I never cease advising and instigating Pompey—even frankly finding fault with and admonishing him—to avoid what would be a most discreditable imputation. 3 But he really leaves no room for either entreaties or admonitions from me. For, whether in everyday conversation or in the senate, no one could support your cause with greater eloquence, seriousness, zeal, and energy than he has done, testifying in the highest terms to your services to himself and his affection for you. Marcellinus, you know, is incensed with his flute-playing majesty. 4 In everything, saving and excepting this case of the king, he professes the intention of being your champion. We take what he gives: nothing can move him from his motion as to the religious difficulty, which he made up his mind to bring, and has, in fact, brought several times before the senate. The debate up to the Ides (for I am writing early in the morning of the Ides 5 ) has been as follows: Hortensius and I and Lucullus voted for yielding to the religious scruple as far as concerned the army, 6 for otherwise there was no possibility of get ting the matter through, but, in accordance with the decree already passed on your own motion, were for directing you to restore the king, "so far as you may do so without detriment to the state": so that while the religious difficulty prohibits the employment of an army, the senate might still retain you as the person authorized. Crassus votes for sending three legates, not excluding Pompey: for he would allow them to be selected even from such as are at present in possession of imperlum. Bibulus is for three legates selected from men without imperium. 7 The other consulars agree with the latter, except Servilius, who says that he ought not to be restored at all: and Volcatius, who on the motion of Lupus votes for giving the business to Pompey: and Afranius, who agrees with Volcatius. This last fact increases the suspicion as to Pompey's wishes: for it was noticed that Pompey's intimates agreed with Volcatius. We are in a very great difficulty: the day seems going against us. The notorious colloguing and eagerness of Libo and Hypsaeus, and the earnestness displayed by Pompey's intimates, have produced an impression that Pompey desires it; and those who don't want him to have it are at the same time annoyed with your having put power into his hands. 8 I have the less influence in the case because I am under an obligation to you. Moreover, whatever influence I might have had is extinguished by the idea people entertain as to Pompey's wishes, for they think they are gratifying him. We are in much the same position as we were long before your departure: now, as then, the sore has been fomented secretly by the king himself and by the friends and intimates of Pompey, and then openly irritated by the consulars, till the popular prejudice has been excited to the highest pitch. All the world shall recognize my loyalty, and your friends on the spot shall see my affection for you though you are absent. If there were any good faith in those most bound to shew it, we should be in no difficulty at all.
XCV (F I, 2)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)ROME, 15 JANUARY
NOTHING was done on the i3th of January in the senate, because the day was to a great extent spent in an altercation between the consul Lentulus and the tribune Caninius. On that day I also spoke at considerable length, and thought that I made a very great impression on the senate by dwelling on your affection for the house. Accordingly, next day we resolved that we would deliver our Opinions briefly: for it appeared to us that the feelings of the senate had been softened towards us—the result not only of my speech, but of my personal appeal and application to individual senators. Accordingly, the first proposition, that of Bibulus, having been delivered, that three legates should restore the king: the second, that of Hortensius, that you should restore him without an army: the third, that of Volcatius, that Pompey should do it, a demand was made that the proposal of Bibulus should be taken in two parts. 9 As far as he dealt with the religious difficulty—a point which was now past being opposed—his motion was carried; his proposition as to three legates was defeated by a large majority. The next was the proposition of Hortensius. Thereupon the tribune Lupus, on the ground that he had himself made a proposal about Pompey, starts the contention that he ought to divide the house before the consuls. His speech was received on all sides by loud cries of "No": for it was both unfair and unprecedented. The consuls would not give in, and yet did not oppose with any vigour. Their object was to waste the day, and in that they succeeded 10 for they saw very well that many times the number would vote for the proposal of Hortensius, although they openly professed their agreement with Volcatius. Large numbers were called upon for their opinion, and that, too, with the assent of the consuls: for they wanted the proposal of Bibulus carried. This dispute was protracted till nightfall, and the senate was dismissed. I happened to be dining with Pompey on that day, and I seized the opportunity—the best I have ever had, for since your departure I have never occupied a more honourable position in the senate than I had on that day—of talking to him in such a way, that I think I induced him to give up every other idea and resolve to support your claims. And, indeed, when I actually hear him talk, I acquit him entirely of all suspicion of personal ambition: but when I regard his intimates of every rank, I perceive, what is no secret to anybody, that this whole business has been long ago corruptly manipulated by a certain coterie, not without the king's own consent and that of his advisers. I write this on the 15th of January, before daybreak. Today there is to be a meeting of the senate. We shall maintain, as I hope, our position in the senate as far as it is possible to do so in such an age of perfidy and unfair dealing. As to an appeal to the people on the subject, we have, I think, secured that no proposition can be brought before them without neglect of the auspices or breach of the laws, or, in fine, without downright violence. 11 The day before my writing these words a resolution of the senate on these matters of the most serious character was passed, and though Cato and Caninius vetoed it, it was nevertheless written out. 12 I suppose it has been sent to you. On all other matters I will write and tell you what has been done, whatever it is, and I will see that everything is carried out with the most scrupulous fairness as far as my caution, labour, attention to details, and influence can secure it.
XCVI (F I, 3)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)ROME (?JANUARY)
M. Cicero presents his compliments to P. Lentulus, proconsul. Aulus Trebonius, who has important business in your province, both of wide extent and sound, is an intimate friend of mine of many years standing. As before this. he has always, both from his brilliant position and the recommendations of myself and his other friends, enjoyed the highest popularity in the province, so at the present time, trusting to your affection for me and our close ties, he feels sure that this letter of mine will give him a high place in your esteem. That he may not be disappointed in tbat hope I earnestly beg of you, and I commend to you all his business concerns, his freedmen, agents, and servants; and specially that you will confirm the decrees made by T. Ampius in his regard, and treat him in all respects so as to convince him that my recommendation is no mere ordinary one. 13
XCVII (F I, 4)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)ROME, JANUARY
Though in the senate of the 15th of January we made a most glorious stand, seeing that on the previous day we had defeated the proposal of Bibulus about the three legates, and the only contest left was with the proposal of Volcatius, yet the business was spun out by our opponents by various obstructive tactics. For we were carrying our view in a full senate, in spite of the multifarious devices and inveterate jealousy of those who were for transferring the cause of the king from you to some one else. That day we found Curio very bitterly opposed, Bibulus much more fair, almost friendly even. Caninius and Cato declared that they would not propose any law before the elections. By the lex Pupia, as you know, no senate could be held before the 1st of February, nor in fact during the whole of February, 14 unless the business of the legations were finished or adjourned. However, the Roman people are generally of opinion that the pretext of a trumped—up religious scruple has been introduced by your jealous detractors, not so much to hinder you, as to prevent anyone from wishing to go to Alexandria with a view of getting the command of an army. However, everyone thinks that the senate has had a regard for your position. For there is no one that is ignorant of the fact that it was all the doing of your opponents that no division took place: and if they, under the pretext of a regard for the people, but really from the most unprincipled villainy, attempt to carry anything, I have taken very good care that they shall not be able to do so without violating the auspices or the laws, or, in fact, without absolute violence. I don't think I need write a word either about my own zeal or the injurious proceedings of certain persons. For why should I make any display myself-since, if I were even to shed my blood in defence of your position, I should think that I had not covered a tithe of your services to me? Or why complain of the injurious conduct of others, which I cannot do without the deepest pain? I cannot at all pledge myself to you as to the effect of open violence, especially with such feeble magistrates but, open violence out of the question, I can assure you that you will retain your high position, if the warmest affections both of the senate and the Roman people can secure it to you.
XCVIII (F I, 5)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)ROME, FEBRUARY
Though the first wish of my heart is that my warmest gratitude to you should be recognized first of all by yourself and then by everybody else, yet I am deeply grieved that such a state of things has followed your departure as to give you occasion, in your absence, to test the loyalty and good disposition towards you both of myself and others. That you see and feel that men are shewing the same loyalty in main taining your position as I experienced in the matter of my restoration, I have understood from your letter. Just when I was depending most securely on my policy, zeal, activity, and influence in the matter of the king, there was suddenly sprung on us the abominable bill of Cato's, 15 to hamper all our zeal and withdraw our thoughts from a lesser anxiety to a most serious alarm. However, in a political upset of that kind, though there is nothing that is not a source of terror, yet the thing to be chiefly feared is treachery: and Cato, at any rate, whatever happens, we have no hesitation in opposing. As to the business of Alexandria and the cause of the king, I can only promise you thus much, that I will to the utmost of my power satisfy both you, who are absent, and your friends who are here. But I fear the king's cause may either be snatched from our hands or abandoned altogether, and I cannot easily make up my mind which of the two alternatives I would least wish. But if the worst comes to the worst, there is a third alternative, which is not wholly displeasing either to Selicius 16 or myself-namely, that we should not let the matter drop, and yet should not allow the appointment, in spite of our protests, to be transferred to the man to whom it is now regarded as practically transferred. 17 We will take the utmost care not to omit struggling for any point that it seems possible to maintain, and not to present the appearance of defeat if we have in any case failed to maintain it. You must shew your wisdom and greatness of mind by regarding your fame and high position as resting on your virtue, your public services, and the dignity of your character, and by believing that, if the perfidy of certain individuals has deprived you of any of those honours which fortune has lavished on you, it will be more injurious to them than to you. I never let any opportunity slip either of acting or thinking for your interests. I avail myself of the aid of Q. Selicius in everything: nor do I think that there is any one of all your friends either shrewder, or more faithful, or more attached to you.
XCIX (Q FR II, 2)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)ROME, 18 JANUARY
It was not from the multiplicity of business, though I am very much engaged, but from a slight inflammation of the eyes that I was induced to dictate this letter, and not, as is my usual habit, write it with my own hand. And, to begin with, I wish to excuse myself to you on the very point on which I accuse yoti. For no one up to now has asked me "whether I have any commands forSardinia "—I think you often have people who say, "Have you any commands for Rome?" As to what you have said in your letters to me about the debt of Lentulus and Sestius, I have spoken with Cincius. 18 However the matter stands, it is not the easiest in the world. But surely Sardinia must have some special property for recalling one's memory of the past. For just as the famous Gracchus—as augur—after arriving in that province remembered something that had happened to him, when holding the elections in the Campus Martius, in violation of the auspices, so you appear to me to have recalled at your ease in Sardinia the design of Numisius and the debts due to Pomponius. As yet I have made no purchase. Culleo's auction has taken place: there was no purchaser for his Tusculan property. If very favourable terms were to be offered, I should perhaps not let it slip About your building I do not fail to press Cyrus. 19 I hope he will do his duty But everything goes on somewhat slowly owing to the prospect of that madman's aedileship. 20For it seems that the legislative assembly will take place without delay it has been fixed for the 20th of January. However I would not have you uneasy. Every precaution shall be taken by me In regard to the Alexandrine king, a decree of the senate was passed declaring it dangerous to the Republic that he should be restored "with a host." The point remaining to be decided in the senate being whether Lentulus or Pompey should restore him, Lentulus seemed on the point of carrying the day. In that matter Ididjustice to my obligations to Lentulus marvellously well, while at the same time splendidly gratifying Pompey's wishes: but the detractors of Lentulus Contrived to talk the matter out by obstructive speeches. Then followed the comitial days, on which a meeting of the senate was impossible. What the villainy of the tribunes is going to accomplish I cannot guess; I suspect, however, that Caninius will carry his bill by violence. 21 In this business I cannot make Out what Pompey really wishes. What his entourage desire everybody sees. Those who are financing the king are openly advancing sums of money against Lentulus. There seems no doubt that the commission has been taken out of Lentulus's hands, to my very great regret, although he has done many things for which I might, if it were not for superior considerations, be justly angry with him. I hope, if it is consistent with your interests, that you will embark as soon as possible, when the weather is fair and settled, and come to me. For there are countless things, in regard to which I miss you daily in every possible way. Your family and my own are well.
18 January.
C (A IV, 4a)
TO ATTICUS (RETURNING FROM EPIRUS)ROME, 28 JANUARY
I was charmed to see Cincius when he called on me on the 28th of January before daybreak. For he told me that you were in Italy and that he was sending slaves to you. I did not like them to go without a letter from me; not that I had anything to say to you, especially as you are all but here, but that I might express merely this one thing—that your arrival is most delightful and most ardently wished for by me. Wherefore fly to us with the full assurance that your affection for me is fully reciprocated. The rest shall be reserved for our meeting. I write in great haste. The day you arrive, mind, you and your party are to dine with me.
CI (Q FR II, 3)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)ROME, 12 FEBRUARY
I have already told you the earlier proceedings; now let me describe what was done afterwards. The legations were post-poned from the 1st of February to the 13th. On the former day our business was not brought to a settlement. On the 2nd of February Milo appeared for trial. Pompey came to support him. Marcellus spoke on being called upon by me. 22 We came off with flying colours. The case was adjourned to the 7th. Meanwhile (in the senate), the legations having been postponed to the i3th, the business of allotting the quaestors and furnishing the outfit of the praetors was brought before the house. But nothing was done, because many speeches were interposed denouncing the state of the Republic. Gaius Cato published his bill for the recall of Lentulus, whose son thereupon put on mourning. On the 7th Milo appeared. Pompey spoke, or rather wished to speak. For as soon as he got up Clodius's ruffians raised a shout, and throughout his whole speech he was interrupted, not only by hostile cries, but by personal abuse and insulting remarks. However, when he had finished his speech—for he shewed great courage in these circumstances, he was not cowed, he said all he had to say, and at times had by his Commanding presence even secured silence for his words —well, when he had finished, up got Clodius. Our party received him with such a shout—for they had determined to pay him out—that he lost all presence of mind, power of speech, or control over his countenance. This went on up to two o'clock-Pompey having finished his speech at noon —and every kind of abuse, and finally epigrams of the most outspoken indecency were uttered against Clodius and Clodia. Mad and livid with rage Clodius, in the very midst of the shouting, kept putting questions to his claque: "Who was it who was starving the commons to death?" His ruffians answered, "Pompey." "Who wanted to be sent to Alexandria?" They answered, "Pompey." "Who did they wish to go?" They answered, "Crassus." The latter was present at the time with no friendly feelings to Milo. About three o'clock, as though at a given signal, the Clodians began spitting at our men. There was an outburst of rage. They began a movement for forcing us from our ground. Our men charged: his ruffians turned tail. Clodius was pushed off the rostra: and then we too made our escape for fear of mischief in the riot. The senate was summoned into the Curia: Pompey went home. However, I did not myself enter the senate-house, lest I should be obliged either to refrain from speaking on matters of such gravity, or in defending Pompey (for he was being attacked by Bibulus, Curio, Favonius, and Servilius the younger) should give offence to the loyalists. The business was adjourned to the next day. Clodius fixed the Quirinalia (17th of February) for his prosecution. On the 8th the senate met in the temple of Apollo, that Pompey might attend. Pompey made an impressive speech. That day nothing was concluded. On the 9th in the temple of Apollo a decree passed the senate "that what had taken place on the 7th of February was treasonable." On this day Cato warmly inveighed against Pompey, and throughout his speech arraigned him as though he were at the bar. He said a great deal about me, to my disgust, though it was in very laudatory terms. When he attacked Pompey's perfidy to me, he was listened to in profound silence on the part of my enemies. Pompey answered him boldly with a palpable allusion to Crassus, and said outright that "he would take better precautions to protect his life than Mricanus had done, whom C. Carbo had assassinated." 23Accordingly, important events appear to me to be in the wind. For Pompey understands what is going on, and imparts to me that plots are being formed against his life, that Gaius Cato is being supported by Crassus, that money is being supplied to Clodius, that both are backed by Crassus and Curio, as well as by Bibulus and his other detractors: that he must take extraordinary precautions to prevent being overpowered by that demagogue-with a people all but wholly alienated, a nobility hostile, a senate ill-affected, and the younger men corrupt. So he is making his preparations and summoning men from the country. On his part, Clodius is rallying his gangs: a body of men is being got together for the Quirinalia. For that occasion we are considerably in a majority, owing to the forces brought up by Pompey himself: and a large contingent is expected from Picenum and Gallia, to enable us to throw out Cato's bills also about 'Milo and Lentulus. On the ioth of February an indictment was lodged against Sestius for bribery by the informer Cn. Nerius, of the Pupinian tribe, and on the same day by a certain M. Tullius for 24 riot. He was ill. I went at once, as I was bound to do, to his house, and put myself wholly at his service: and that was more than people expected, who thought that I had good cause for being angry with him. The result is that my extreme kindness and grateful disposition are made manifest both to Sestius himself and to all the world, and I shall be as good as my word. But this same informer Nerius also named Cn. Lentulus Vatia and C. Cornelius to the commissioners. 25 On the same day a decree passed the senate "that political clubs and associations should be broken up, and that a law in regard to them should be brought in, enacting that those who did not break off from them should be liable to the same penalty as those convicted of riot." On the 11th of February I spoke in defence of Bestia 26 on a charge of bribery before the praetor Cn. Domitius, 27 in the middle of the forum and in a very crowded court; and in the course of my speech I came to the incident of Sestius, after receiving many wounds in the temple of Castor, having been preserved by the aid of Bestia. Here I took occasion to pave the way beforehand for a refutation of the charges which are being got up against Sestius, and I passed a well-deserved encomium upon him with the cordial approval of everybody. He was himself very much delighted with it. I tell you this because you have often advised me in your letters to retain the friendship of Sestius. I am writing this on the 12th of February before daybreak the day on which I am to dine with Pomponius on the occasion of his wedding. Our position in other respects is such as you used to cheer my despondency by telling me it would be-one of great dignity and popularity: this is a return to old times for you and me effected, my brother, by your patience, high character, loyalty, and, I may also add, your conciliatory manners. The house of Licinius, near the grove of Piso, 28 has been taken for you. But, as I hope, in a few months' time, after the 1st of July, you will move into your own. Some excellent tenants, the Lamim, have taken your house in Carinae. 29 I have received no letter from you since the one dated Olbia. I am anxious to hear how you are and what you find to amuse you, but above all to see you your-self as soon as possible. Take care of your health, my dear brother, and though it is winter time, yet reflect that after all it is Sardinia that you are in. 30
15 February.
CII (F I, 5b)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)ROME (FEBRUARY)
WHAT is being done and has been done here I imagine you know from letters of numerous correspondents and from messengers but what are still matters for conjecture, and seem likely to take place, I think I ought to write and tell you. After Pompey had been roughly treated with shouts and insulting remarks, while speaking before the people on the 7th of February in defence of Milo, and had been accused in the senate by Cato in exceedingly harsh and bitter terms amidst profound silence, he appeared to me to be very much upset in his mind. Accordingly, he seems to me to have quite given up any idea of the Alexandrine business-which, as far as we are concerned, remains exactly where it was, for the senate has taken nothing from you except what, owing to the same religious difficulty, cannot be granted to anyone else. My hope and my earnest endeavour now is that the king, when he understands that he cannot obtain what he had in his mind-restoration by Pompey—and that, unless restored by you, he will be abandoned, and neglected, should pay you a visit. 31 This he will do without any hesitation, if Pompey gives the least hint of his approval. But you know that man's deliberate ways and obstinate reserve. However, I will omit nothing that may contribute to that result. The other injurious proceedings instituted by Cato I shall, I hope, have no difficulty in resisting. I perceive that none of the consulars are friendly to you except Hortensius and Lucullus; the rest are either hostile, without openly shewing it, or undisguisedly incensed. Keep a brave and high spirit, and feel Confident that the result will be to utterly repulse the attack of a most Contemptible fellow, and to retain your high position and fame.
CIII (F I, 6)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)ROME (FEBRUARY)
What is going on you will learn from Polijo, 32 who not only was engaged in all the transactions, but was the leader in them. In my own deep distress, occasioned by the course your business has taken, 33 I am chiefly consoled by the hope which makes me strongly suspect that the dishonest practices of men will be defeated both by the measures of your friends and by mere lapse of time, which must have a tendency to weaken the plans of your enemies and of traitors. In the second place, I derive a ready consolation from the memory of my own dangers, of which I see a refiexion in your fortunes. For though your position is attacked in a less important particular than that which brought mine to the ground, yet the analogy is so strong, that I trust you will pardon me if I am not frightened at what you did not yourself consider ought to cause alarm. But shew yourself the man I have known you to be, to use a Greek expression, "since your nails were soft." 34 The injurious conduct of men will, believe me, only make your greatness more conspicuous. Expect from me the greatest zeal and devotion in everything: I will not falsify your expectation.
CIV (Q FR II, 4 AND PART OF 6)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)ROME, MARCH
Our friend Sestius was acquitted on the uth of March, and, what was of great importance to the Republic—that there should be no appearance of difference of opinion in a case of that sort—was acquitted unanimously. As to what I had often gathered from your letters, that you were anxious about—that I should not leave any loophole for abuse to an unfriendly critic on the score of my being ungrateful, if I did not treat with the utmost indulgence his occasional wrong-headedness—let me tell you that in this trial I established my character for being the most grateful of men. For in conducting the defence I satisfied in the fullest manner possible a man of difficult temper, and, what he above all things desired, I cut up Vatinius (by whom he was being openly attacked) just as I pleased, with the applause of gods and men. And, farther, when our friend Paullus 35 was brought forward as a witness against Sestius, he affirmed that he would lay an information against Vatinius 36 if Licinius Macer hesitated to do so, and Macer, rising from Sestius's benches, declared that he would not fail. Need I say more? That impudent swaggering fellow Vatinius was overwhelmed with confusion and thoroughly discredited. That most excellent boy, your son Quintus, is getting on splendidly with his education. I notice this the more because Tyrannio 37gives his lessons in my house. The building of both your house and mine is being pushed on energetically. I have caused half the money to be paid to your contractor. I hope before winter we may be under the same roof. As to our Tullia, who, by Hercules, is very warmly attached to you, I hope I have settled her engagement with Crassipes. 38 There are two days after the Latin festival which are barred by religion. 39 Otherwise the festival of luppiter Latiaris has come to an end. The affluence which you often mention I feel the want of to a certain extent; but while I welcome it if it comes to me, I am not exactly beating the covert for it. 40 I am building in three places, and am patching up my other houses. I live somewhat more lavishly than I used to do. I am obliged to do so. If I had you with me I should give the builders full swing for a while. 41 But this too (as I hope) we shall shortly talk over together. The state of affairs at Rome is this: Lentulus Marcellinus is splendid as consul, and his colleague does not put any difficulty in his way: he is so good, I repeat, that I have never seen a better. He deprived them of aH the comitial days for even the Latin festival is being repeated, 42 nor were thanks-giving days wanting. 43 In this way the passing of most mischievous laws is prevented, especially that of Cato, 44 on whom, however, our friend Milo played a very pretty trick. For that defender of the employment of gladiators and beast-fighters had bought some beast-fighters from Cosconius and Pomponius, and had never appeared in public without them in their full armour. He could not afford to maintain them, and accordingly had great difficulty in keeping them together. Milo found this out. He commissioned an individual, with whom he was not intimate, to buy this troop from Cato without exciting his suspicion. As soon as it had been removed, Racilius—at this time quite the only real tribune-revealed the truth, acknowledged that the men had been purchased for himself—for this is what they had agreed—and put up a notice that he intended to sell "Cato's troop." This notice caused much laughter. Accordingly, Lentulus has prevented Cato from going on with his laws, and also those who published bills of a monstrous description about Caesar, with no tribune to veto them. Caninius's proposal, indeed, about Pompey has died a natural death. For it is not approved of in itself, and our friend Pompey is also spoken of with great severity for the breach of his friendship with Publius Lentulus. He is not the man he was. The fact is that to the lowest dregs of the populace his support of Milo gives some offence, while the aristocrats are dissatisfied with much that he omits to do, and find fault with much that he does. This is the only point, however, in which I am not pleased with Marcellinus- that he handles him too roughly. Yet in this he is not going counter to the wishes of the senate: consequently I am the more glad towithdrawfrom the senate-house and from politics altogether. In the courts I have the same position as I ever had: never was my house more crowded. One untoward circumstance has occurred owing to Milo's rashness—the acquittal of Sext. Clodius 45 -whose prosecution at this particular time, and by a weak set of accusers, was against my advice. In a most Corrupt panel his conviction failed by only three votes. Consequently the people clamour for a fresh trial, and he must surely be brought back into court. For people will not put up with it, and seeing that, though pleading before a panel of his own kidney, he was all but condemned, they look upon him as practically condemned. Even in this matter the unpopularity of Pompey was an obstacle in our path. For the votes of the senators were largely in his favour, those of the knights were equally divided, while the tribuni aerarii voted for his condemntion. But for this eon'rekmps I am consoled by the daily condemnations of my enemies, among whom, to my great delight, Servius 46 got upon the rocks: the rest are utterly done for. Gaius Cato declared in public meeting that he would not allow the elections to be held, if he were deprived of the days for doing business with the people. Appius has not yet returned from his visit to Caesar. I am looking forward with extraordinary eagerness to a letter from you. Although I know the sea is still closed, yet they tell me that certain persons have, nevertheless, arrived from Olbia full of your praises, and declaring you to be very highly thought of in the province. They said also that these persons reported that you intended to cross as soon as navigation became possible. That is what I desire: but although it is yourself, of course, that I most look forward to, yet meanwhile I long for a letter. Farewell, my dear brother.
CV (Q FR II, 5 AND PARTS OF 6 AND 7)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)ROME, 8 APRIL
I have already sent you a letter containing the information of my daughter Tullia having been betrothed to Crassipes on the 4th of April, and other intelligence public and private. The following are the events since then. On the 5th of April, by a decree of the senate, a sum of money amounting to 40,000 sestertia (about £320,000) was voted to Pompey for the business of the corn-supply. But on the same day there was a vehement debate on the Campanian land, the senators making almost as much noise as a public meeting. The shortness of money and the high price of corn increased the exasperation. Nor will I omit the following: the members of the colleges of the Capitolini and the Mercuriales 47 expelled from their society a Roman knight named M. Furius Flaccus, a man of bad character: the expulsion took place when he was at the meeting, and though he threw himself at the feet of each member. On the 6th of April, the eve of my departure from town, I gave a betrothal party to Crassipes. That excellent boy, your and my Quintus, was not at the banquet owing to a very slight indisposition. On the 7th of April I visited Quintus and found him quite restored. He talked a good deal and with great feeling about the quarrels between our wives. What need I say more? Nothing could have been pleasanter. Pomponia, however, had some Complaints to make of you also: but of this when we meet. After leaving your boy I went to the site of your house: the building was going on with a large number of workmen. I urged the contractor Longilius to push on. He assured me that he had every wish to satisfy us. The house will be splendid, for it Can be better seen now than we could judge from the plan: my own house is also being built with despatch. On this day I dined with Crassipes. After dinner I went in my sedan to visit Pompey at his suburban villa. I had not been able to call on him in the daytime as he was away from home. However, I wished to see him, because I am leaving Rome tomorrow, and he is on the point of starting for Sardinia. I found him at home and begged him to restore you to us as soon as possible. "Immediately," he said. He is going to start, according to what he said, on the uth of April, with the intention of embarking at Livorno or Pisa. 48 Mind, my dear brother, that, as soon as he arrives, you seize the first opportunity of setting sail, provided only that the weather is favourable. I write this on the 8th of April before daybreak, and am on the point of starting on my journey, with the intention of stopping today with Titus Tititis at Anagnia. Tomorrow I think of being at Laterium, 49 thence, after five days in Arpinum, going to my Pompeian house, just looking in upon my villa at Cumae on my return journey, with the view—since Milo's trial has been fixed for the 7th of May—of being at Rome on the 6th, and of seeing you on that day, I hope, dearest and pleasantest of brothers. I thought it best that the building at Arcanum 50 should be suspended till your return. Take good care, my dear brother, of your health, and come as soon as possible.
CVI (A IV, 4b)
TO ATTICUS (RETURNING FROM EPIRUS)ANTIUM (APRIL)
IT will be delightful if you come to see us here. You will find that Tyrannio has made a wonderfully good arrangement of my books, the remains of which are better than I had expected. Still, I wish you would send me a couple of your library slaves for Tyrannio to employ as gluers, and in other subordinate work, and tell them to get some fine parchment to make title-pieces, which you Greeks, I think, call "sillybi." But all this is only if not inconvenient to you. In any case, be sure you come yourself, if you can halt for a while in such a place, and can persuade Pilia 51 to accompany you. For that is only fair, and Tullia is anxious that she should come. My word! You have purchased a fine troop! Your gladiators, I am told, fight superbly. If you had chosen to let them out you would have cleared your expenses by the last two spectacles. But we will talk about this later on. Be sure to come, and, as you love me, see about the library slaves.
CVII (A IV, 5)
TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)ANTIUM (APRIL)
Do you really mean it? Do you think that there is anyone by whom I prefer to have what I write read and approved of before yourself? "Why, then, did I send it to anyone before you?" I was pressed by the man to whom I sent it, and had no copy. And—well! I am nibbling at what I must, after all, swallow—my "recantation " 52 did seem to me a trifle discreditable! But good-bye to straightforward, honest, and high-minded policy! One could scarcely believe the amount of treachery there is in those leaders of the state, as they wish to be, and might be, if they had any principle of honour in them. I had felt it, known it-taken in, abandoned, and cast aside by them, as I had been! and yet my purpose still was to stick by them in politics. They were the same men as they ever had been. At last, on your advice, my eyes have been opened. You will say that your advice only extended to action, not to writing also. The truth is that I wanted to bind myself to this new combination, that I might have no excuse for slipping back to those who, even at a time when I could claim their Compassion, never cease being jealous of me. However, I kept within due limits in my subject, when I did put pen to paper. I shall launch out more copiously if he shews that he is glad to receive it, and those make wry faces who are angry at my possessing the villa which once belonged to Catulus, without reflecting that I bought it from Vettius: who say that I ought not to have built a town house, and declare that I ought to have sold. But what is all this to the fact that, when I have delivered senatorial speeches in agreement with their own views, their chief pleasure has yet been that I spoke contrary to Pompey's wishes? Let us have an end of it. Since those who have no power refuse me their affection, let us take care to secure the affection of those who have power. You will say, "I could have wished that you had done so before." I know you did wish it, and that I have made a real ass of myself. But now the time has Come to shew a little affection for myself, since I can get none from them on any terms.
I am much obliged to you for frequently going to see my house. Crassipes 53swallows up my money for travelling. Tullia will go straight to your suburban villa. 54 That seems the more convenient plan. Consequently she will be at your town house the next day: for what can it matter to you? But we shall see. Your men have beautified my library by making up the books and appending title-slips. Please thank them.
CVIII (F V, 12)
TO L. LUCCEIUSARPINUM (APRIL)
I have often tried to say to you55personally what I am about to write, but was prevented by a kind of almost clownish bashfulness. Now that I am not in your presence I shall speak out more boldly: a letter does not blush. I am inflamed with an inconceivably ardent desire, and one, as I think, of which I have no reason to be ashamed, that in a history written by you my name should be conspicuous and frequently mentioned with praise. And though you have often shewn me that you meant to do so, yet I hope you will pardon my impatience. For the style of your composition, though I had always entertained the highest expectations of it, has yet surpassed my hopes, and has taken such a hold upon me, or rather has so fired my imagination, that I was eager to have my achievements as quickly as possible put on record in your history. For it is not only the thought of being spoken of by future ages that makes me snatch at what seems a hope of immortality, but it is also the desire of fully enjoying in my lifetime an authoritative expression of your judgment, or a token of your kindness for me, or the charm of your genius. Not, however, that while thus writing I am unaware under what heavy burdens you are labouring in the portion of history you have undertaken, and by this time have begun to write. But because I saw that your history of the Italian and Civil Wars was now all but finished, and because also you told me that you were already embarking upon the remaining portions of your work, I determined not to lose my chance for the want of suggesting to you to consider whether you preferred to weave your account of me into the main context of your history, or whether, as many Greek writers have done-Callisthenes, the Phocian War; Timaeus, the war of Pyrrhus; Polybius, that of Numantia; all of whom separated the wars I have named from their main narratives-you would, like them, separate the civil conspiracy from public and external wars. For my part, I do not see that it matters much to my reputation, but it does somewhat concern my impatience, that you should not wait till you come to the proper place, but should at once anticipate the discussion of that question as a whole and the history of that epoch. And at the same time, if your whole thoughts are engaged on one incident and one person, I can see in imagination how much fuller your material will be, and how much more elaborately worked out. I am quite aware, however, what little modesty I display, first, in imposing on you so heavy a burden (for your engagements may well prevent your compliance with my request), and in the second place, in asking you to shew me off to advantage. What if those transaCtions are not in your judgment so very deserving of Cornmendation? Yet, after all, a man who has once passed the border-line of modesty had better put a bold face on it and be frankly impudent. And so I again and again ask you outright, both to praise those actions of mine in warmer terms than you perhaps feel, and in that respect to neglect the laws of history. I ask you, too, in regard to the personal predilection, on which you wrote in a certain introductory chapter in the most gratifying and explicit terms—and by which you shew that you were as incapable of being diverted as Xenophon's Hercules by Pleasure—not to go against it, but to yield to your affection for me a little more than truth shall justify./ But if I can induce you to undertake this, you will have, I am persuaded, matter worthy of your genius and your wealth of language. For from the beginning of the conspiracy to my return from exile it appears to me that a moderate-sized monograph might be composed, in which you will, on the one hand, be able to utilize your special knowledge of civil disturbances, either in unravelling the causes of the revolution or in proposing remedies for evils, blaming lishing the righteousness of what you approve by explaining meanwhile what you think deserves denunciation, and estabthe principles on which they rest: and on the other hand, if you think it right to be more outspoken (as you generally do), you will bring out the perfidy, intrigues, and treachery of many people towards me. For my vicissitudes will supply you in your composition with much variety, which has in itself a kind of charm, capable of taking a strong hold on the imagination of readers, when you are the writer. For nothing is better fitted to interest a reader than variety of Circumstance and vicissitudes of fortune, which, thought he reverse of welcome to us in actual experience, will make very pleasant reading: for the untroubled recollection of a past sorrow has a charm of its own. To the rest of the world, indeed, who have had no trouble themselves, and who look upon the misfortunes of others without any suffering of their own, the feeling of pity is itself a source of pleasure. For what man of us is not delighted, though feeling a certain c6mpassion too, with the death-scene of Epa minondas at Mantinea? He, you know, did not allow the dart to be drawn from his body until he had been told, in answer to his question, that his shield was safe, so that in spite of the agony of his wound he died calmly and with glory. Whose interest is not roused and sustained by the banishment and return of Themistocles? 56Truly the mere chronological record of the annals has very little charm for us-little more than the entries in the fasti: but the doubtful and varied fortunes of a man, frequently of eminent character, involve feelings of wonder, suspense, joy, sorrow, hope, fear: if these fortunes are crowned with a glorious death, the imagination is satisfied with the most fascinating delight which reading can give. 'Therefore it will be more in accordance with my wishes if you come to the resolution to separate from the main body of your narrative, in which you embrace a continuous history of events, what I may call the drama of my actions and fortunes: for it includes varied acts, and shifting scenes both of policy and circumstance. Nor am I afraid of appearing to lay snares for your favour by flattering suggestions, when I declare that I desire to be complimented and mentioned with praise by you above all other writers. For you are not the man to be ignorant of your own powers, or not to be sure that those who withhold their admiration of you are more to be accounted jealous, than those who praise you flatterers. Nor, again, am I so senseless as to wish to be consecrated to an eternity of fame by one who, in so consecrating me, does not also gain for himself the glory which rightfully belongs to genius. For the famous Alexander himself did not wish to be painted by Apelles, and to have his statue made by Lysippus above all others, merely from personal favour to them, but because he thought that their art would be a glory at once to them and to himself. And, indeed, those artists used to make images of the person known to strangers: but if such had never existed, illustrious men would yet be no less illustrious. The Spartan Agesilaus, who would not allow a portrait of himself to be painted or a statue made, deserves to be quoted as an example quite as much as those who have taken trouble about such representations: for a single pamphlet of Xenophon's in praise of that king has proved much more effective than all the portraits and statues of them all. And, moreover, it will more redound to my present exultation and the honour of my memory to have found my way into your history, than if I had done so into that of others, in this, that I shall profit not only by the genius of the writer—as Timoleon did by that of Timaeus, Themistocles by that of Herodotus—but also by the authority of a man of a most illustrious and well-established character, and one well known and of the first repute for his conduct in the most important and weighty matters of state; so that I shall seem to have gained not only the fame which Alexander on his visit to Sigeum said had been bestowed on Achilles by Homer, but also the weighty testimony of a great and illustrious man. For I like that saying of Hector in Naevius, who not only rejoices that he is "praised," but adds, "and by one who has himself been "praised." But if I fail to obtain my request from you, which is equivalent to saying, if you are by some means prevented —for I hold it to be out of the question that you would refuse a request of mine—I shall perhaps be forced to do what certain persons have often found fault with, wnte my own panegyric, a thing, after all, which has a precedent of many illustrious men. But it will not escape your notice that there are the following drawbacks in a composition of that sort: men are bound, when writing of themselves, both to speak with greater reserve of what is praiseworthy, and to omit what calls for blame. Added to which such writing carries less conviction, less weight; many people, in fine, carp at it, and say that the heralds at the public games are more modest, for after having placed garlands on the other recipients and proclaimed their names in a loud voice, when their own turn comes to be presented with a garland before the games break up, they call in the services of another herald, that they may not declare themselves victors with their own voice. I wish to avoid all this, and, if you undertake my cause, I shall avoid it: and, accordingly, I ask you this favour. But why, you may well ask, when you have already often assured me that you intended to record in your book with the utmost minuteness the policy and events of my consulship, do I now make this request to you with such earnestness and in so many words? The reason is to be found in that burning desire, of which I spoke at the beginning of my letter, for something prompt: because I am in a flutter of impatience, both that men should learn what I am from your books, while I am still alive, and that I may myself in my lifetime have the full enjoyment of my little bit of glory. What you intend doing on this subject I should like you to write me word, if not troublesome to you. For if you do undertake the subject, I will put together some notes of all occurrences: but if you put me off to some future time, I will talk the matter over with you. Meanwhile, do not relax your efforts, and thoroughly polish what you have already on the stocks, and continue to love me.
CIX (A IV, 6)
TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)
FROM THE COUNTRY (APRIL-MAY)
FROM THE COUNTRY (APRIL-MAY)
Of course I am as sorry about Lentulus as I am bound to be: we have lost a good patriot and a great man, one who to great strength of character united a culture equally profound. My consolation is a miserable one, but still it is a consolation—that I do not grieve on his account: I don't mean in the sense of Saufeius and your Epicurean friends, but, by Hercules, because he loved his country so deeply, that he seems to me to have been snatched away by a special favour of providence from its conflagration. For what could be more humiliating than the life we are living, especially mine? For as to yourself, though by nature a politician, you have yet avoided having any servitude peculiar to yourself: you merely come under an appellation common to us all. 57 But!; who, if I say what I ought about the Republic, am looked on as mad, if what expediency dictates, as a slave, and if I say nothing, as utterly crushed and helpless—what must I be suffering? Suffer, indeed, I do, and all the more keenly that I cannot even shew my pain without appearing ungrateful. Again: what if I should choose a life of inactivity and take refuge in the harbour of retired leisure? Impossible! Rather war and the camp Am I to serve in the ranks after refusing to be a general? I suppose I must. For I perceive you, too, think so, you whom I wish that I had always obeyed. All that is left to me now is, "You have drawn Sparta: make the best of it!" But, by heavens, I can't: and I feel for Philoxenus, 58 who preferred a return to jail. However, in my present retirement I am thinking over how to express my rejection of the old policy, and when we meet you will strengthen me in it.
I notice that you have written to me at frequent intervals, but I received all the letters at once. This circumstance increased my grief. For I had read three to begin with, in which the report of Lentulus was that he was a little better. Then came the thunderbolt of the fourth. But it is not he, as I said, who is to be pitied, but we who are so callous as to live on. 59 You remind me to write that essay on Hortensius: I have digressed into other subjects, but have not forgotten your charge. But, by heaven, at the first line I shrank from the task, lest I, who seem to have acted foolishly in resenting foolishly rendering his injurious treatment of me conspicuous, his intemperate conduct as a friend, should once more be if I wrote anything; and at the same time lest my high morale, manifested in my actions, should be somewhat obscured in my writing, and this mode of taking satisfaction should seem to imply a certain instability. But we shall see. Only be sure to write me something as often as possible. I sent a letter to Lucceius asking him to write the history of my consulship: be sure you get it from him, for it is a very pretty bit of writing, and urge him to use despatch, and thank him for having written me an answer saying that he would do so. Go and see my house as often as you can. Say something to Vestorius : 60 for he is acting very liberally in regard to me.
CX (A IV, 7)
TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)ARPINUM (APRIL-MAY)
Nothing could be better timed than your letter, which much relieved the anxiety I was feeling about that excellent boy, our Quintus. Two hours earlier Chaerippus had arrived: his news was simply awful. As to what you say about Apollonius, why, heaven confound him ! a Greek and turn bankrupt! Thinks he may do what Roman knights do ! For, of course, Terentius is within his rights ! As to Metellus—de mortuis, etc. 61—yet there has been no citizen die these many years past who——. Well, I am willing to warrant your getting the money: for what have you to fear, whomsoever he made his heir, unless it were Publius? But he has, in fact, made a respectable man his heir, though he was himself——! Wherefore in this business you will not have to open your money-chest: another time you will be more cautious. Please see to my instructions about my house: hire some guards: give Milo a hint. 62 The Arpinates grumble amazingly about Laterium. 63 Well, what can I say? I was much annoyed myself, but "to words of mine he gave no heed." 64 For the rest, take care of young Cicero and love him as always.
CXI (A IV, 8a)
TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)ANTIUM (APRIL-MAY)
There were many things in your letter which pleased me, but nothing more than your "dish of cheese and salt fish"! 65 For as to what you say about the sale, “ Boast not yourself before you see the end,
” 66 I can find nothing in the way of a building for you in the neighbourhood. In the town there is something of the sort, though it is doubtful whether it is for sale, and, in fact, close to my own house. Let me tell you that Antium is the Buthrotum of Rome, just what your Buthrotum is to Corcyra. Nothing can be quieter, cooler, or prettier—"be this mine own dear home." 67Moreover, since Tyrannio has arranged my books for me, my house seems to have had a soul added to it; in which matter your Dionysius and Menophilus were of wonderful service. Nothing can be more charming than those bookcases of yours, since the title-slips have shewn off the books. Good-bye. I should like you to write me word about the gladiators, but only if they fight well, I don't want to know about them if they were failures.
” 66 I can find nothing in the way of a building for you in the neighbourhood. In the town there is something of the sort, though it is doubtful whether it is for sale, and, in fact, close to my own house. Let me tell you that Antium is the Buthrotum of Rome, just what your Buthrotum is to Corcyra. Nothing can be quieter, cooler, or prettier—"be this mine own dear home." 67Moreover, since Tyrannio has arranged my books for me, my house seems to have had a soul added to it; in which matter your Dionysius and Menophilus were of wonderful service. Nothing can be more charming than those bookcases of yours, since the title-slips have shewn off the books. Good-bye. I should like you to write me word about the gladiators, but only if they fight well, I don't want to know about them if they were failures.
CXII (F V, 3)
TO CICERO
FROM Q. METELLUS NEPOS (IN SPAIN)
FROM Q. METELLUS NEPOS (IN SPAIN)
The insults of a most outrageous person, with which he loads me in frequent public speeches, are alleviated by your kind services to me; and as they are of little weight as coming from a man of that character, they are regarded by me with contempt, and I am quite pleased by an interchange of persons to regard you in the light of a cousin. 68 Him I don't wish even to remember, though I have twice saved his life in his own despite. Not to be too troublesome to you about my affairs, I have written to Lollius as to what I want done about my provincial accounts, with a view to his informing and reminding you. If you can, I hope you will preserve your old goodwill to me.
CXIII (F I, 7)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)ROME (OCTOBER)
I have read your letter in which you say that you are obliged for the frequent information I give you about all current events, and for the clear proof you have of my kindness to yourself. The latter—the regarding you with warm affection—it is my duty to do, if I wish to maintain the character which you desired for me; the former it is a pleasure to do, namely, separated as we are by length of space and time, to converse with you as frequently as possible by means of letters. But if this shall occur less frequently than you expect, the reason will be that my letters are of such a kind that I dare not trust them to everybody promiscuously. As often as I get hold of trustworthy persons to whom I may safely deliver them, I will not omit to do so. As to your question about each particular person's loyalty and friendly feelings towards you, it is difficult to speak in regard to individuals. I can venture on this one assertion, which I often hinted to you before, and now write from close observation and knowledge—that certain persons, and those, above all others, who were most bound and most able to help you, have been exceedingly jealous of your claims: and that, though the point in question is different, your present position is exceedingly like what mine was some time ago in this, that those whom you had attacked on public grounds now openly assail you, while those whose authority, rank, and policy you had defended, are not so much mindful of your kindness as enemies to your reputation. In these circumstances, as I wrote you word before, I perceive that Hortensius is very warmly your friend, Lucullus anxious to serve you: while of the magistrates L. Racilius shews special loyalty and affection. For my taking up the cudgels for you, and advocating your claims, would seem in the eyes of most people to be the measure of my obligation to you rather than of my deliberate opinion. Besides these I am, in fact, not able to bear witness to any one of the consulars shewing zeal or kindness or friendly feeling towards you. For you are aware that Pompey, who is very frequently accustomed, not on my instigation but of his own accord, to confide in me about you, did not often attend the senate during these discussions. It is true your last letter, as I could easily conceive, was very gratifying to him. To me, indeed, your reasonableness, or rather your extreme wisdom, seemed not only charming, but simply admirable. For by that letter you retained your hold on a man of lofty character, who was bound to you by the signal generosity of your conduct towards him, but who was entertaining some suspicions that, owing to the impression prevailing among certain persons as to his own ambitious desires, you were alienated from him. I always thought that he wished to support your reputation, even in that very dubious episode of Caninius's proposal; 69 but when he had read your letter, I could plainly see that he was thinking with his whole soul of you, your honours, and your interests. Wherefore look upon what I am going to write as written after frequent discussions with him, in accordance with his opinion, and with the weight of his authority. It is this: "That, since no senatorial decree exists taking the restoration of the Alexandrine king out of your hands, and since the resolution written out upon that restoration (which, as you are aware, was vetoed) to the effect that no one was to restore the king at all, 70 has rather the weight of a measure adopted by men in anger than of a deliberate decision of the senate—you can yourself see, since you are in possession of Cilicia and Cyprus, 71 what it is within your power to effect and secure; and that, if circumstances seem to make it possible for you to occupy Alexandriaand Egypt, it is for your own dignity and that of the empire that, after having first placed the king at Ptolemais or some neighbouring place, you should proceed with fleet and army to Alexandria, in order that, when you have secured it by restoring peace and placing a garrison in it, Ptolemy may go back to his kingdom: thus it will be brought about that he is restored at once by your agency, as the senate originally voted, and without a 'host,' as those who are scrupulous about religion said was the order of the Sibyl."
But though both he and I agreed in this decision, we yet thought that men would judge of your policy by its result: if it turns out as we wish and desire everybody will say that you acted wisely and courageously if any hitch occurs, those same men will say that you acted ambitiously and rashly. Wherefore what you really can do it is not so easy for us to judge as for you who have Egypt almost within sight For us, our view is this if you are certain that you can get possession of that kingdom, you should not delay: if it is doubtful, you should not make the attempt. I can guarantee you this, that, if you succeed, you will be applauded by many while abroad, by all when you return. I see great danger in any failure, on account of the senatorial resolution and the religious scruple that have been introduced into the question. But for me, as I exhort you to snatch at what is certain to bring you credit, so I warn you against running any risks, and I return to what I said at the beginning of my letter—that men will judge all you do, not so much from the policy which prompted it as from its result. But if this method of procedure appears to you to be dangerous, our opinion is that, if the king fulfils his obligations to those of your friends, who throughout your province and sphere of government have lent him money, you should assist him both with troops and supplies: such is the nature and convenient situation of your province, that you either secure his restoration by giving him aid, or hinder it by neglecting to do so. In carrying out this policy you will perceive better and more easily than anyone else what the actual state of affairs, the nature of the case, and the circumstances of the hour admit: what our opinion was I thought that I was the person, above all others, to tell you.
As to your congratulations to myself on my present position, on my intimacy with Milo, on the frivolity and impotency of Clodius—I am not at all surprised that, like a first-rate artist, you take pleasure in the brilliant works of your own hands. However, people's wrong-headedness—I don't like to use a harsher word—surpasses belief; they might have secured me by their sympathy in a cause in which they were all equally interested, yet they have alienated me by their jealousy: for by their carping and most malicious criticisms I must tell you that I have been all but driven from that old political standpoint of mine, so long maintained, not, it is true, so far as to forget my position, but far enough to admit at length some consideration for my personal safety also. Both might have been amply secured if there had been any good faith, any solidity in our consulars : but such is the frivolity of most of them, that they do not so much take pleasure in my political consistency, as offence at my brilliant position. I am the more outspoken in writing this to you, because you lent your support, not only to my present position, which I obtained through you, but also long ago to my reputation and political eminence, when they were, so to speak, but just coming into existence; and at the same time because I see that it was not, as I used formerly to think, my want of curule pedigree that excited prejudice: for I have noticed in your case, one of the noblest of the land, a similar exhibition of base jealousy, and though they did not object to class you among the oblesse, they were unwilling that you should take any higher flight. I rejoice that your fortune has been unlike mine: for there is a great difference between having one's reputation lowered and one's personal safety abandoned to the enemy. In my case it was your noble conduct that prevented me from being too much disgusted with my own; for you secured that men should consider more to have been added to my future glory than had been taken from my present fortune. As for you—instigated both by your kindness to myself and my affection for you, I urge you to use all your care and industry to obtain the full glory, for which you have burned with such generous ardour from boyhood, and never, under anyone's injurious conduct, to bend that high spirit of yours, which I have always admired and always loved. Men have a high opinion of you; they loudly praise your liberality; they vividly remember your consulship. You must surely perceive how much more marked, and how much more prominent these sentiments will be, if backed up by some considerable repute from your province and your government. However, in every administrative act which you have to perform by means of your army and in virtue of your imperium, I would have you reflect on these objects long before you act, prepare yourself with a view to them, turn them over in your mind, train yourself to obtain them, and convince yourself that you can with the greatest ease maintain the highest and most exalted position in the state. This you have always looked for, and I am sure you understand that you have attained it. And that you may not think this exhortation of mine meaningless or adopted without reason, I should explain that the consideration which has moved me to make it was the conviction that you required to be warned by the incidents, which our careers have had in common, to be careful for the rest of your life as to whom to trust and against whom to be on your guard.
As to your question about the state of public affairs—there is the most profound difference of opinion, but the energy is all on one side. For those who are strong in wealth, arms, and material power, appear to me to have scored so great a success from the stupidity and fickleness of their opponents, that they are now the stronger in moral weight as well. Accordingly, with very few to oppose them, they have got everything through the senate, which they never expected to get even by the popular vote without a riot: for a grant for military pay and ten legates have been given to Caesar by decree, 72 and no difficulty has been made of deferring the nomination of his successor, as required by the Sempronian law. 73 I say the less to you on this point because this position of public affairs is no pleasure to me: I mention it, however, in order to urge you to learn, while you can do so without suffering for it, the lesson which I myself, though devoted from boyhood to every kind of reading, yet learnt rather from bitter experience than from study, that we must neither consider our personal safety to the exclusion of our dignity, nor our dignity to the exclusion of our safety.
In your congratulations as to my daughter and Crassipes I am obliged to you for your kindness, and do indeed expect and hope that this connexion may be a source of pleasure to us. Our dear Lentulus, a young man who gives such splendid promise of the highest qualities, be sure you instruct both in those accomplishments which you have yourself ever been forward in pursuing, and also, above all, in the imitation of yourself: he can study in no better school than that. He holds a very high place in my regard and affection, as well because he is yours, as because he is worthy of such a father, and because he is devoted to me, and has always been so.
CXIV (F XIII, 6 a)
TO Q. VALERIUS ORCA (PROCONSUL IN AFRICA)ROME (MAY)
If you are well I shall be glad. I am quite well. I presume that you will remember that, when escorting you on the commencement of your official journey, 74 I mentioned to you in the presence of Publius Cuspius, and also afterwards urged you privately at some length, that whomsoever I might recommend to you as connexions of his, you should regard as among connexions of my own. You, as was to be expected from your extreme regard and uninterrupted attentions to me, undertook to do this for me with the utmost liberality and kindness. Cuspius, who is most careful in his duties towards all connected with him, takes a surprising interest in the well-being of certain persons of your province, because he has been twice in Africa when presiding over the very large concerns of his revenue-company. Accordingly, this patronage of his, which he exercises on their behalf, I am accustomed as far as I can to back up by such means and influence as I possess. Wherefore I thought it necessary to explain to you in this letter why I give letters of introduction to all the friends of Cuspius. In future letters I will merely append the mark 75 agreed upon between you and me, and at the same time indicate that he is one of Cuspius's friends. But the recommendation which I have resolved to subscribe to in this present letter, let me tell you, is more serious than any of them. For P. Cuspius has pressed me with particular earnestness to recommend Lucius Iulius to you as warmly as possible. I appear to be barely able to satisfy his eagerness by using the words which I generally use when most in earnest. He asks for something out of the common way from me, and thinks I have a special knack in that style of writing. I have promised him to produce a masterpiece of commendation—a specimen of my choicest work. Since I cannot reach that standard, however, I would beg you to make him think that some astonishing effect has been produced by the style of my letter. You will secure that, if you treat him with all the liberality which your kindness can suggest and your official power make feasible—I don't mean merely in the way of material assistance, but also in words and even in looks: and what influence such things have in a province I could have wished that you had already learnt by experience, though I have an idea that you soon will do so. This man himself, whom I am recommending to you, I believe to be thoroughly worthy of your friendship, not only because Cuspius says so (though that should be enough), but because I know the keenness of his judgment of men and in the selection of his friends. I shall soon be able to judge what has been the effect of this letter, and shall, I feel certain, have reason to thank you. For myself, I shall with zeal and care see to all that I think to be your wish or to concern your interests. Take care of your health.
CXV (F XIII, 6 b)
TO Q. VALERIUS ORCA (PROCONSUL IN AFRICA)ROME (MAY)
P. Cornelius, who delivers you this letter, has been recommended to me by P. Cuspius, for whose sake you are thoroughly informed from me how much I desire and am bound to do. I earnestly beg you that Cuspius may have as great, early, and frequent occasion as possible to thank me for this introduction.
CXVI (Q FR II, 6)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (RETURNING FROM SARDINIA)ROME, MAY
How delighted I was to get your letter! It had been expected by me at first, it is true, only with longing, but recently with alarm also. And, in fact, let me tell you that this is the only letter which has reached me since the one brought me by your sailor and dated Olbia. But let everything else, as you say, be reserved till we can talk it over together. One thing, however, I cannot put off: on the 15th of May the senate covered itself with glory by refusing Gabinius a supplicatio. Procilius 76 vows that such a slight was never inflicted on anyone. Out of doors there is much applause. To me, gratifying as it is on its own account, it is even more so because it was done when I was not in the house. For it was an unbiassed 77 judgment of the senate, without any attack or exercise of influence on my part. The debate previously arranged for the 15th and 16th, namely, the question of the Campanian land, did not come on. In this matter I don't quite see my way. 78 But I have said more than I meant to say: for it is best reserved till we meet. Good-bye, best and most longed—for of brothers! Fly to me. Our boys both share my prayer: of course, you will dine with me the day of your arrival.
2 When Ptolemy Auletes first appealed to the senate (B.C. 57) to restore him to the throne of Egypt, it appears that a resolution was passed authorizing the proconsul of Cilicia to do so; but as Pompey wished to have the business, the senate found itself in a difficulty, not wishing to put him in military command, or daring to offend him by an open refusal (Dio, 39.12). The tribune C. Catofound up a Sibylline oracle forbidding the employment of an army for the purpose, which served the senate as a decent excuse. The commission to Lentulus was eventually withdrawn by an auctoritas senatus, and Lentulus did not venture to do it. Ptolemy, finding that he could not succeed in getting Pompey commissioned, retired to Ephesus, and afterwards succeeded by an enormous bribe in inducing Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria, to do it (B.C. 55).
3 Of having been induced by greed or ambition to undertake the restoration of Ptolemy.
4 Reading tibicini for the unmeaning tibi. It is not certain, but it makes good sense. Ptolemy was called Auletes (flute-player), of which the Latin tibicen is a translation, meant, no doubt, somewhat jocosely.
5 I.e., before going to the senate on the Ides of January (13th). See next letter.
6 The Sibyiline oracle forbade restoring the king "with a multitude."
8 Because it was on Lentulus's motion that Pompey had been made curatorannonae, and so in possession of imperium with naval and military forces.
9 The proposal of Bibulus to send "three legates" implied a concession to the Sibylline verse, in not sending "an army." It was therefore to be voted on as two questions—(1) Shall the Sibylline verse be obeyed, and an army not sent? (2) Shall three legates be sent?
10 That is, the debate went off on the side issue as to who had the prior right of dividing the house. Lupus said he had, because the proposal of Volcatius was really made before the others, i.e., in the previous day's debate (see last letter). The consuls were only too glad thus to avoid having the main question brought to a vote, and let this technical point be spun out in a languid debate.
11 Because they had magistrates ready to stop the comitia by declaring bad omens, and tribunes ready to veto any proposal.
12 A senatus consultum vetoed by a tribune was written out, with the names of its proposers and backers, and a statement at the end as to the tribunes vetoing it. It was thus on record as an auctoritas senatus, "resolution of the senate," not a senatus consultum. A perfect specimen is given in Letter CCXXIII. This auctoritas was to the effect that no one was to undertake the restoration. See Letter CXIII.
13 This is a specimen of the short letter of introduction to a provincial governor which were given almost as a niatter of course by men of position at Rome. We shall have many of them in the course of the correspondence : and Cicero elsewhere warns the recipient of such letters not to pay attention to them unless he expressly indicates his wish by some less formal sentence (see Letter CXIV). T. Ampius was the predecessor of Lentulus in Cilicia.
14 I.e., no meeting of the senate for ordinary business. During the month of February the senate usually devoted all its time to hearing and answering deputations from the provinces or foreign states. The lex Pupia forbade the meeting of the senate on dies comitiales, and after the 14th the days in January were all comitiales: but another law (lex Vatinia) ordered it to meet every day in February for the business of the legations. If this business was concluded or deferred it remained a moot point whether a magistrate was not still bound or, at least, allowed to summon it for other business (ad Q. Fr. 2.13).
16 A money-lender, and friend of Lentulus Spinther.
17 Pompey.
19 The architect See Letter XXVIII, p 68.
20 Clodius, who was aedile this year
21 For commissioning Pompey with two lictors to restore Ptolemy.
22 Milo impeached by Clodius before the comitia tributa for his employment of gladiators. Dio (xxxix. 18) says that Clodius thus impeached Milo, not with any hope of securing his conviction against the powerful support of Cicero and Pompey, but to get the chance of insulting these latter. Marcellus was one of the candidates for the aedileship with Clodius. See Letter XCI.
23 In B.C. 129, after making a speech in favour of the claims of the Italians for exemption from the agrarian law of Gracchus, Scipio Aemilianus, the younger Africanus, was found dead in his bed. The common report was that he had been assassinated by Carbo, or with his privity, but it was never proved (see de Orat. 2.170). Cicero does not here assume the truth of the story he merely repeats Pompey's words.
24 M. Tullius Albinovanus: It was on this charge de vi that Cicero defended Sestius in the extant speech. The charge of bribery does not appear to have been proceeded with.
25 Adlegatos, probably commissioners named to receive and report on a deposition of an informer before the senate acted.
27 Cn. Domitius Calvinus, consul B.C. 53. In the Civil War he sided with Pompey, and perished at sea after Thapsus (B.C. 46).
28 Ad lucum Pisonis. The place is not known, but there is not sufficient reason for the change to ad lacum Pisonis, a place equally unknown.
30 I. e., get out of it as soon as you can.
32 The famous C. Asinius Pollio.
33 The postponement of the Egyptian commission.
34 ἐξ ἀπάλων ὀνύχων, i.e., "from your earliest youth." Others explain it to mean "from the bottom of your heart," or "thoroughly," from the idea that the nerves ended in the nails. ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ὀνύχων, "thoroughly," occurs in late Greek, and similar usages in the Anthology.
36 P. Vatinius, the tribune of B.C. 59, who had supported Caesar and proposed the law for his five years' command in Gaul. Cicero spoke against him for perjury; but afterwards we shall find them ostensibly reconciled.
37 A Greek grammarian and geographer, of whom we have heard before, and shall hear of again in connexion with Cicero's library.
38 P. Furius Crassipes. Tullia's first husband, C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, died, it seems, before Cicero returned from exile in B.C. 57. This second marriage (or, perhaps, only betrothal) was shortly ended by a divorce.
40 Not going the right way to work to get it.
41 At the end of the next letter he says that, pending Quintus's arrival, he has stopped some of his building.
42 On some alleged informality the feriae Latinae were held a second time (instaurata), really, Cicero implies, in order to bar some additional days for public business, and prevent legislation, as later on the election of Pompey and Crassus was prevented (Dio, 39.30).
43 At the end of B.C. 57, or the beginning of 56, fifteen days of supplicatiowere decreed in consequence of Caesar's success in Gaul (Caes. B. G. 2.35).
46 Unknown. Cicero's words seem to imply that he nearly got convicted, but not quite.
47 In B.C. 357 a "college" was established for celebrating the ludi Capitolini, in celebration of the failure of the Gauls to take it. It consisted of men living on the Capitoline (Livy, 5.50). The Mercuriates were a "college" or company of merchants who celebrated the rite of the Consecration of the temple of Mercury (B.C. 495) on the Ides of May (Livy, 2.27; Ov. F. 5.669; C. I. L. i. p. 206).
50 Another property of Quintus near Mintumae.
52 παλινῳδία—something he had apparently written and sent to Pompey or Caesar, giving in his adhesion to the policy of the triumvirs. It can hardly have been the speech de Provinciis Consularibus or the oratio pro Balbo, which had probably not yet been delivered, for the arrangement recommended in the former speech was not that of the conference of Luca, while in the latter, though he speaks respectfully of Caesar, there is nothing in the shape of a palinode in general politics.
53 That is, the dowry and expenses of Tullia's betrothal to Crassipes.
54 Tullia de via recta in hortos, for tu, etc., and ad te postridie. This may not be right, but no other suggestions as to the meaning of these abrupt clauses have been made which are in the least convincing. We must suppose that Atticus has asked Tullia to stay with him and his wife Pilia, and Cicero is describing her journey from Antium.
55 L. Lucceius, of whom we have heard before, as having some quarrel with Atticus. His work has not survived. No letter of the correspondence has brought more adimadversion on Cicero, and yet log-rolling and the appealing to friends on the press to review one's book are not wholly unknown even in our time.
56 Cicero appears by a slip to have written Themistocles instead of Aristeides. The dramatic return of the latter just before the battle of Salamis is narrated in Herodotus : whereas the former never returned, though his dead body was said to have been brought to Athens.
58 Philoxenus, who, having been sent to the quarries by Dionysius of Syracuse, for criticising the tyrant's poetry, was given another chance. After reading a few lines he turned away silently. "Where are you going?" said Dionysius. "Back to the quarries," snid Philoxenus. For Σπάρταν ἔλαχες, ταύτην κόσμει, see p. 59.
59 Ferrei. The true meaning of the word here seems to me to be shewn by de Am. 87, quis tam esset ferreus, qui eam vitam ferre posset, cuique nonauferret fructum voluptatum omnium solitudo? There is an intentional play on the words ferreus and ferre. Others have altered it to servi, and others have explained it as an allusion to the iron age, in both cases spoiling the antithesis—he died, we remain—and in the latter using the word in a sense not elsewhere found. Lentulus is L. Cornelius Lentulus. See Letter L.
60 A money-lender.
61 οὐχ ὁσίη φθιμένοισιν, leaving Atticus, as often, to fill in the words ἐπ᾽ἀνδράσιν εὐχετάασθαι (Hom. Od. 22.412, where the word is κταμένοισιν. Terentius is some eques who has stopped payment.
62 Because Clodius was attempting to pull down Cicero's new-built house on the ground that the site was still consecrated. He was prevented by Milo (Dio, 39.20).
63 Something that Quintus had done, perhaps about water, on his estate which annoyed his fellow townsmen.
65 We must suppose Atticus to have mentioned some money loss (see last letter), and to have added that, though a ruinous one, his tastes were simple, and he could live on simple fare. Cicero laughs at the affectation of the rich Atticus. Raudusculum, "a piece of bronze," was the ancient term for the piece of bronze money used in sales, per as et libram (Varro, L. 50.5.163).
66 μήπω μέγ᾽ εἴπῃς πρὶν τελευτήσαντ᾽ ἴδῃς, "Do not boast till you see a man dead"—a well-known line from a lost play of Sophocles, containing a sentiment elsewhere often repeated, especially in Herodotus's account of the interview of Solon and Croesus.
67 εἴη μοὶ οὗτος φίλος οἶκος, according to a probable restoration of the Greek words (instead ofεἴη μισητὸς φίλος οἶκος, "I might even hate my town house in comparison"); cp. Hor. Od. 2.6, 7.
68 Fratris. The mother of Clodius, Caecilia, was a daughter of Q. Caecilius Metellus Balearicus (consul B.C. 123), father of the writer of this letter.
69 See Letter XCV
70 See Letter CII.
71 Joined to the province of Cilicia by Cato in B.C. 58-57. What Cicero is recommending is a clear evasion Lentulus is not to take Ptolemy back, but to go to Egypt and make it ready for him.
72 Cicero says elsewhere that he supported this (pro Balbo, 61; de Prov. Cons. 28; cp. Dio, 39.25).
73 The law of Gaius Gracchus (B.C. 123) enacting that the senate should name before the elections the provinces to be held by the next consuls.
74 Paludatum, lit. dressed in the paludamentum, the military dress in which provincial governors left Rome with imperium.
75 Notam, some cipher, which he had agreed upon with Valerius to indicate that the commendation was not to be looked upon as a mere matter of course.
76 One of the tribunes. He was convicted of vis in B.C. 54. Gabinius was governor of Syria B.C. 57-54. He had been engaged in some war-like affairs in Iudaea, for which, or for some successes over the Arabs, he claimed the supplicatio.
77 εἰλικρινές, ''pure," '' clear."
Cicero. The Letters of Cicero; the whole extant correspondence in chronological order, in four volumes. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh. London. George Bell and Sons. 1908-1909.
The National Endowment for the Humanities provided support for entering this text.
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Publius-Cornelius-Lentulus-Spinther
Publio Cornelio Léntulo Spinther , (murió hacia el año 48 a . C. ), un destacado partidario del general romanoPompeyo el Grande durante la Guerra Civil (49-45 a. C. ) entre Pompeyo y Julio César; él era un hermano deLentulus Crus .
Como curie edil, Lentulus en 63 ayudó Cicerón suprime la conspiración de Catilina para derrocar al gobierno. Fue pretor en 60 y con la ayuda de César se convirtió en gobernador de la provincia de España más cercana en 59. Como cónsul en 57 trabajó para retirar a Cicerón del exilio y restaurarle sus propiedades. Léntulo gobernó Cilicia de 56 a 53. A pesar de su deuda con César, se unió a los pompeyanos en el 49. Capturado en la batalla de Corfinium (Italia), César le concedió el indulto , pero posteriormente volvió a Pompeyo. Después de que Pompeyo fue derrotado decisivamente en Pharsalus, Thessaly, en 48, Léntulo escapó a Rodas; poco después cayó en manos de César y fue ejecutado.
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POLÍTICO ROMANO
ESCRITO POR:
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Publius-Cornelius-Lentulus
Título alternativo: Sura
Publius Cornelius Lentulus , byname Sura (latín: "becerro de la pierna") , (murió el 5 de diciembre, 63 a. C. , Roma), una figura principal en la conspiración de Catiline (63 a. C. ) para tomar el control del gobierno romano.
En 81 Léntulo fue cuestor de Lucio CornelioSila Cuando más tarde Sila lo acusó de haber malgastado fondos públicos, Léntulo le tendió la pantorrilla con desprecio, un gesto que normalmente usaban los niños que jugaban a la pelota e invitaba a castigar por un error. Fue pretor en 74 y cónsul en 71. Aunque fue expulsado del Senado por inmoralidad en 70, fue elegido para una segunda pretoría en 63. Fue mientras servía en esta oficina que se unióCatilina . Cuando Catilina huyó de Roma después del discurso de Cicerón en Catilinam, Léntulo asumió el liderazgo de los conspiradores restantes. Planeó asesinar a Cicerón y prender fuego a Roma, pero el plan fracasó debido a su indiscreción al comunicárselo a los embajadores de Allobroges , y luego en Roma, con la esperanza de obtener la ayuda armada de ellos. Los embajadores lo traicionaron, y Lentulus y sus compañeros de conspiración fueron arrestados, obligados a confesar y luego ejecutados.
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MURIÓ
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Publio Cornelio Léntulo Espínter (en latín, Publius Cornelius P. f. L. n. Lentulus Spinther), apodado así por su parecido con un popular actor de ese nombre, fue un político romano del siglo I a. C. Provenía de una antigua familia patricia romana de la gens Cornelia. Cuestor en 74 a. C., edil curul en 63 a. C., bajo el consulado de Cicerón, pretor urbano en 60 a. C., gracias a su amistad con César fue enviado como propretor a Hispania y nombrado pontífice. Cónsul en 57 a. C., ayudó a Cicerón a regresar del exilio y a recuperar sus bienes. De 56 a 53 a. C. se le encargó el gobierno de Cilicia, encomendándosele restaurar en el trono de Egipto a Ptolomeo XII Auletes, acción que no llegó a ejecutar. Obtuvo un triunfo que celebró en 51 a. C.
A pesar de su amicitia con César, durante la segunda guerra civil pesaron más sus lazos con Cicerón y Pompeyo Magno, alineándose con el heterogéneo partido anticesariano. Capturado en Corfinio, César lo liberó al poco, yendo a reunirse con Pompeyo. Combatió en Farsalia, y tras la derrota pompeyana se trasladó a Rodas, donde murió al cabo de un año, tal vez por orden del propio César.
Índice
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Vida
Ascenso político
Publio Cornelio Léntulo Espínter consiguió su primer cargo público en 63 a. C. (el año del consulado de Marco Tulio Cicerón) cuando fue votado para el cargo de edil curul. Como edil curul, Espínter asistió a Cicerón en la desarticulación de la conspiración de Lucio Sergio Catilina. En este cargo se distinguió por el esplendor de los juegos que ofreció (aunque la verdadera grandeza estribaba en las rayas moradas que usó en su toga, ofendiendo a muchos romanos a quienes el morado les parecía un símbolo de la realeza, por tanto contrario al modelo de un buen romano, aunque ganándose las simpatías del pueblo llano)123
A pesar del escándalo la carrera de Espínter no sufrió, y fue elegido pretor en el 60 a. C.. Fue durante su pretura, en los juegos Apollinaris que, por primera vez, colocó un toldo sobre el teatro4 y adornó las escenas con plata.5
Posteriormente en 59 a. C. como propretor recibió el gobierno de la Hispania Citerior. Como gobernador de la provincia, cargo en el que permaneció hasta 58 a. C.,67 Léntulo Espínter recibió en un primer momento el apoyo de Cayo Julio César. Como propretor en Hispania, Publio Cornelio Léntulo acuñó una moneda en la que estaban su nombre y su apodo, siendo Espínter ahora su apodo oficial, que le distinguía de los otros miembros homónimos de su rama de la gens Cornelia.
Espínter volvió a recibir el apoyo de Cayo Julio César, cuando se presentó a la elección del más alto cargo público de la Roma Republicana, el consulado en 57 a. C.Con el apoyo de César, la campaña electoral de Espínter fue exitosa y fue elegido como uno de los dos cónsules de 57 a. C., junto a Quinto Cecilio Metelo Nepote. En el primer día de su consulado (1 de enero de 57) propuso llamar del exilio a Marco Tulio Cicerón. A partir de entonces el orador habló de él en amables y agradecidos términos dando las gracias en una larga carta dirigida a Léntulo Espínter.8 A pesar de su deuda con Julio César tomó partido por la aristocracia aunque se opuso a promover a Gneo Pompeyo a cargo de la Superintendencia del mercado del grano.
Proconsulado
A finales de su consulado, Espínter fue elegido como gobernador proconsular de Cilicia.9 Obtuvo un decreto a favor de la restauración de Ptolomeo XII Auletes como rey de Egipto y se preparaba para ir a este país cuando una estatua de Júpiter fue destruida por un rayo (diciembre) en el Monte Albano, y consultados los libros sibilinos y un oráculo, la restauración mediante la fuerza fue prohibida. Catón, que acababa de convertirse en tribuno de la plebe, era un enemigo de Léntulo y apoyó al oráculo, que probablemente había sido pensado principalmente contra Pompeyo, y ordenó a los quindecemviros de leerlo en público.10 El asunto fue llevado ante el Senado, donde Léntulo tuvo el apoyo de Hortensio y de Lúculo, y el partido aristocrático dirigido por Bíbulo optó por una solución intermedia, pidiendo enviar a tres embajadores a Egipto, propuesta que fue rechazada. El nuevo cónsul Marcelino procuró aplazar la cuestión sine die y así quedó hasta 55 a. C., cuando el gobernador de Siria Aulo Gabinio ignoró la autoridad del senado y efectuó la restauración.11
Inmediatamente después del fin de su consulado, Espínter fue elegido por el Senado como proconsul de Cilicia (y Chipre), cargo que ejerció desde el año 56 a. C.hasta julio de 53 a. C.. Se convirtió en un buen gobernador proconsular cuidando de los mejores intereses de sus súbditos y no enriqueciéndose a sus expensas. Como gobernador de una rica provincia en el Este, Léntulo acuñó unas grandes monedas de plata (cistóforos) en Apameia, Frigia, que portaban su nombre - P LENTVLVS P F IMPERATOR -. Estas monedas tenían unos 25 mm de diámetro y su peso estaba en torno a 10,65 gramos. Además realizó una campaña en las montañas Amanus con un notable éxito; Cicerón apoyó su reclamación de los honores de un triunfo que no le fueron otorgados hasta 51 a. C. cuando Cicerón estaba a Cilicia.
La guerra civil
Debido al rencor que guardaba a César (al que consideraba un hombre bastante arrogante), cada vez tendió a apoyar más a la facción del senado liderada por Cneo Pompeyo Magno. Este progresivo distanciamiento con César hizo que cuando estalló la guerra civil entre los aliados de Cneo Pompeyo Magno y Cayo Julio César en 49 a. C., Publio Cornelio Léntulo Espínter se alió sin dudarlo con Pompeyo, donde obtuvo el comando de 10 cohortes en Picenum. Al acercarse el enemigo, Léntulo huyó y se unió a Domicio Enobarbo en Corfinium. Cuando César llegó al lugar y Pompeyo se negó a acudir en su ayuda, Léntulo fue autorizado por la guarnición a entablar negociaciones con César. El general lo recibió favorablemente, le dejó marcharse con sus amigos, y tomó a sus tropas a su servicio.12
En 48 a. C., el ejército principal de Pompeyo se enfrentó al de César en la batalla de Farsalia, donde antes de la batalla, lo encontramos disputando con Metelo Escipión, y con Domicio, que quien tenía el mejor derecho a suceder a César como pontifex maximus.14 Esta batalla resultó una derrota definitiva y aplastante para las fuerzas pompeyanas, Pompeyo huyó a Egipto, (donde fue inmediatamente decapitado por el faraón egipcio Ptolomeo XIII) en una verdadera equivocación en su intento de congraciarse con César). Espínter huyó a Rodas, donde primero se le rechazó la admisión, pero inmediatamente se le concedió asilo.15
Según Sexto Aurelio Víctor, más tarde cayó en las manos de César y fue asesinado. Este hecho está justificado por una fuente contemporánea que explica que quizá su hijo, P. Cornelius P. f. P. n. Lentulus Spinther, se uniera a los asesinos de César, Cayo Casio Longino y Marco Junio Bruto acuñando monedas para ellos durante la guerra civil en contra de las fuerzas de Marco Antonio y Cayo Julio César Octaviano Augusto. Su hijo también adoptó el apodo de Espínter, que puso junto a su nombre al acuñar moneda.
Referencias[editar]
1. Volver arriba↑ Salustio, De Catilinae coniuratione 47
2. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón; De Officiis libro ii. 16
3. Volver arriba↑ Plinio Historia Natural libro ix. 63, libro xxxvi. 12
4. Volver arriba↑ Plinio, Historia Natural libro xix. 6
5. Volver arriba↑ Valerio Máximo; Hechos y dichos memorables libro ii. 4. § 6.
6. Volver arriba↑ César, De Bello Civili libro i. 22
7. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón; Epistulae ad Familiares libro i. 9 § 4
8. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón; Pro Sext. 40, 69, Brutus 77, Epistulae ad Atticum libro iii. 22. &c; Epistulae ad Familiares libro i 1.9.
9. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Atticum libro iv 1, Epistulae ad Familiares libro i. 1 § 7, Plutarco, Vidas Paralelas, Pompeyo 49
10. Volver arriba↑ Fenestella, ap. Non. Marcell. p. 385, ed. Lips 1826
11. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Familiares libro i., Epistulae ad Quintum Fratrem libro libro ii. 2 & 6, Plutarco, Vidas Parelelas, Pompeyo 49; Dion Casio, Historia Romana libro xxxix. 15, 16
12. Volver arriba↑ César, De Bello Civili libro i. 15-23
13. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Atticum, libro ix. 11, 13, 15
14. Volver arriba↑ César, De Bello Civili, libro iii 83.
15. Volver arriba↑ Cicerón, Epistulae ad Familiares libro xii. 14; César, De Bello Civili libro iii. 102
Enlaces externos
· Este artículo es una obra derivada de la edición de 1911 de la Encyclopædia Britannica, disponible sin restricciones conocidas de derecho de autor. Esta obra derivada se encuentra disponible bajo las licencias GNU Free Documentation License y Creative Commons Atribución-CompartirIgual 3.0 Unported.
Predecesor:
Lucio Calpurnio Pisón Cesonino y Aulo Gabinio |
Cónsul de la República Romana
junto con Quinto Cecilio Metelo Nepote 57 a. C. |
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Sociedad / Política
63 aC Dic. 5
Evento # 5712: Publio Cornelio Léntulo Sura: ejecutado por Cicerón como un "Conspirador Catilinario"
URL estable: http://cof.quantumfuturegroup.org/events/5712
http://cof.quantumfuturegroup.org/events/5712
Citaciones:
Texto # 9755
Publio Cornelio Léntulo, apodado Sura, (114 aC - 5 de diciembre 63 aC) fue una de las figuras principales de la conspiración de Catilinarian y también un padrastro de Mark Antony.
Cuando Sila, acusado por Sila (del que había sido cuestor en el año 81 aC), despilfarró el dinero público, se negó a rendir cuentas, pero con insolente sostuvo la pantorrilla (sura), sobre qué parte de la persona los niños eran castigado cuando cometieron errores al jugar a la pelota, similar a invitar a una bofetada en la muñeca. Fue pretor en el 75 aC, gobernador de Sicilia en el 74 aC y cónsul en el 71 aC
En 70, siendo expulsado del Senado con varios otros por inmoralidad, supuestamente se unió a Catiline. Se dice que dependía de un oráculo sibilino para que tres Cornelios fueran gobernantes de Roma. Léntulo se consideraba el sucesor destinado de Lucio Cornelio Sila y Lucio Cornelio Cinna. Cuando Catilina salió de Roma después del segundo discurso de Cicerón en Catilinam, supuestamente Lentulus tomó su lugar como jefe de los conspiradores en la ciudad. Según Cicerón, junto con C. Cornelius Cethegus, se comprometió a asesinar a Cicerón y prender fuego a Roma, pero el plan fracasó debido a su timidez e indiscreción, o al hecho de que tal plan nunca existió.
Los embajadores de Allobroge que se encontraban entonces en Roma, portadores de una queja contra las opresiones de los gobernadores provinciales, presuntamente Lentulus les hizo proposiciones, con el objeto de obtener asistencia armada. Pretendiendo caer en sus puntos de vista, los embajadores obtuvieron un acuerdo escrito firmado por los principales conspiradores, e informaron a Q. Fabius Sanga, su "patrón" en Roma, quien a su vez conoció a Cicerón que pudo haber amenazado a los Allobroges para obtener para que jueguen un papel en su configuración de Sura.
Los conspiradores fueron arrestados y obligados a admitir su culpabilidad. Léntulo se vio obligado a abdicar de su pretoría, y, como se temía que podría haber un intento de rescatarlo, fue ejecutado en el Tullianum el 5 de diciembre del 63 aC, junto con otros simpatizantes senatoriales de Catilina.
La legitimidad de estos homicidios, que se llevaron a cabo bajo el mando personal de los cónsules y sin un juicio judicial, fue discutida. Cicerón argumentó que sus acciones eran legales bajo el Senatus consultum ultimum, pero fue exiliado en el año 58 aC después de la aprehensión de la tribuna popular Publio Clodio Pulcher, acusado de dominar la ejecución ilegal de ciudadanos romanos, entre ellos Sura. Sin embargo, fue llamado al año siguiente por una votación del Senado.
Cicerón tuvo motivos para lamentar sus acciones, ya que su tratamiento de Léntulo fue una de las razones por las cuales Marco Antonio, el hijastro de Léntulo, más tarde exigió la ejecución de Cicerón como condición para unirse al Segundo Triunvirato.
Referencias
Dio Cassius xxxvii. 30, xlvi. 20
Plutarco, Cicerón, 17
Salustio, Catilina
Cicero, en Catilinam, iii., Iv .; Pro Sulla, 25.
March, Duane A. (1989), "Cicerón y la 'Banda de los Cinco'", Classical World, Volumen 82, p.225-234.
Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911) Encyclopædia Britannica (11ª ed.). Prensa de la Universidad de Cambridge.
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Este es mi comentario en este sitio web que promocionan la historia de Publios Lentulus Sura y Publios Lentulus Cornelius. Referencia:
"Que pena que promuevan tanta mentira de Publius Lentulus Sura. Fácilmente desmentido en la historia, Son ustedes culpables de este Misticismo de grandes proporciones en el Espiritismo. Un dÍa tendrán que dar cuentas de estas mentiras. Ni Públicos Lentulus Sura, ni su bisnieto Públios Lentulus Cornelius, bisnieto de Publio Lentulus Sura, existieron en el tiempo de Jesús. Ambos, sus fechas de fallecimientos estaban a de 50 años antes del nacimiento de Jesús en la era cristiana.
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Manuel da Nóbrega
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Este artículo incluye una lista de referencias , pero sus fuentes siguen sin estar claras porque no tiene suficientes citas en línea . (Enero de 2011) ( aprende cómo y cuándo eliminar este mensaje de plantilla )
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| Manuel da Nóbrega | |
|---|---|
Padre Manuel da Nóbrega en un sello conmemorativo portugués del 400 aniversario de la fundación de São Paulo.
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| Nacido | 18 de octubre de 1517 Sanfins do Douro , Reino de Portugal |
| Murió | 18 de octubre de 1570 (53 años) Río de Janeiro , colonia de Brasil |
| Nacionalidad | portugués |
| Ocupación | Sacerdote jesuita , misionero |
| Conocido por | Primer Provincial de laCompañía de Jesús en la colonia de Brasil . Fundador de Recife , Salvador ,Río de Janeiro y São Paulo . |
Manuel da Nóbrega (antiguo deletreo Manoel da Nóbrega ) (18 de octubre de 1517 - 18 de octubre de 1570) fue un sacerdote jesuita portugués y primer Provincial de la Compañía de Jesús en el Brasil colonial . Junto con José de Anchieta , fue muy influyente en la historia temprana de Brasil , y participó en la fundación de varias ciudades, como Recife , Salvador , Río de Janeiro y São Paulo , y muchos colegios y seminarios jesuitas.
Contenido
Primeros años de vida [ editar ]
Nóbrega nació el 18 de octubre de 1517, en Sanfins do Douro, Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro , Portugal , en una importante familia; su padre era Baltasar da Nóbrega, un prominente juez de Justicia. Manuel da Nobrega estudió Humanidades en Oporto y Salamanca , España y en la Universidad de Coimbra , donde obtuvo su bachillerato en derecho canónico y filosofía , en 1541. Ingresó al noviciado de los jesuitas en 1544 y después de ser ordenado, llevó a cabo el trabajo pastoral en el regiones de Entre-Douro-e-Minho y Beira .
Misionero en Brasil [ editar ]
En 1549, se unió a la flota naval del primer gobernador general portugués Tomé de Sousa (1502-1579), a petición del rey D. João III a la Compañía de Jesús , para comenzar el trabajo misionero de convertir a los amerindios , que eran paganosa los ojos de la Iglesia Católica , de construir iglesias y seminarios religiosos, y de educar a los colonos .
Nóbrega llegó a la capitanía de Bahía el 29 de marzo de 1549, acompañado por otros cinco jesuitas. El primer acto del Gobernador General fue fundar la capital de la ciudad colonial de Salvador ( El Salvador , en portugués ) y celebrar su primera misa en 1549.
Nóbrega y sus colegas trataron de cumplir su misión pero se enfrentaron a muchas dificultades porque los colonos maltrataron e intentaron esclavizar a los indios. Pronto se enfrascó ferozmente en la defensa de los indios, una postura que provocó serios enfrentamientos con habitantes y autoridades de la nueva colonia, por igual, incluido el primer Gobernador General y el que lo sucedió, Duarte da Costa .
Para ganar autoridad en su lucha contra los colonos, Nóbrega pidió al rey establecer un episcopado en Brasil, que se otorgó el 25 de febrero de 1551. El primer obispo de Brasil, Dom Pedro Fernandes Sardinha, asumió el cargo el 22 de junio de 1552. Para entonces , Nóbrega ya había creado el Colegio Jesuita de Salvador. Nóbrega fue nombrado entonces el primer Provincial de la Compañía de Jesús en el Nuevo Mundo , cargo que ocupó hasta 1559. Sin embargo, Dom Sardinha fue asesinado y devorado por indios hostiles después de un naufragio, lo que cambió la opinión de Nóbrega sobre la misión india.
Sintiendo las dificultades de convertir a los indios adultos al cristianismo, Nóbrega determinó que los esfuerzos del jesuita deberían concentrarse en la enseñanza de los niños, que eran más flexibles, y los jesuitas comenzaron a crear escuelas primarias para enseñar portugués y latín , alfabetización básica y religión. Los jesuitas descubrieron que cantar era una forma muy efectiva de ganar la atención de los estudiantes. Nóbrega fue uno de los pioneros en el uso de la música en la educación en Brasil. Para ayudar en la evangelización de los niños, Nóbrega tuvo la idea de traer siete niños huérfanos a Brasil y hacerles aprender Tupi, el idioma de los indios, para que sean bilingües y actúen como traductores. Estos niños a menudo iban con los jesuitas a pie a lugares lejanos y eran protegidos y apreciados por los indios. Varios de los niños se convirtieron en sacerdotes jesuitas también.
En 1552, Nóbrega acompañó nuevamente a Tomé de Sousa a la capitanía de São Vicente , en el actual estado sureño de São Paulo . Allí, se unió a otro grupo de jesuitas, que habían llegado con José de Anchieta , que entonces era un joven novicio, que viajó con Mem de Sá , el tercer gobernador general enviado por la Corona. Nóbrega determinó como la nueva misión de esta pequeña banda de misioneros fundar pueblos ( aldeamentos ) en el altiplano justo sobre la línea costera, con el fin de seguir mejor su trabajo de catequesis y educación de los indios. Así, el 25 de enero de 1554, Nóbrega y Anchieta celebraron la primera misa en el nuevo y modesto Colegio Jesuita deSão Paulo dos Campos de Piratininga , en honor al día de conversión de San Pablo al cristianismo. El pequeño asentamiento alrededor de esta escuela jesuita se convertiría en una de las metrópolis más grandes del mundo, São Paulo .
Práctica misionera [ editar ]
Nóbrega y sus hombres comenzaron a catequizar y bautizar a los nativos a su llegada a Brasil. Uno de los primeros encuentros que tuvieron con los paganos fue cuando Nóbrega y sus hombres trataron de detener los preparativos para una fiesta de caníbales y los nativos se levantaron contra los cristianos. La milicia del gobernador ayudó a defender a los misioneros contra el levantamiento nativo.
Ocupados en la construcción de capillas y escuelas, los misioneros se jactaban de la alta tasa de conversión de los nativos. Los jesuitas habían comenzado a enseñar oraciones a los nativos y a enseñarles a escribir y cantar. Según un informe escrito por Nóbrega, quinientos nativos habían sido bautizados en los primeros cinco meses de la llegada de los jesuitas y muchos más eran catecúmenos. [1]
Los problemas con las colonias portuguesas en Brasil, como muchas colonias en las Américas, fueron que la esclavitud y el concubinato eran prácticas comunes entre los nuevos colonos. Nóbrega estaba preocupado de que los colonos portugueses no fueran buenos ejemplos. Nóbrega no pudo limitar la esclavitud entre los portugueses, por lo que eligió la separación. Se movió hacia la separación física de los nativos y los portugueses para limitar su contacto con el entorno corrupto y se centró en reducir la confianza de los jesuitas en el apoyo de la corona portuguesa. [2]
Nóbrega se sintió alentado porque muchos nativos se habían convertido al cristianismo a pesar de ser maltratados por los europeos. La colonia de plantaciones de azúcar brasileña, por ejemplo, se fundó en el uso extensivo de mano de obra india. Aunque esta etapa en el desarrollo de la economía brasileña fue temporal, los portugueses eventualmente comenzaron a usar mano de obra esclava africana, tuvo efectos duraderos en la moral de los pueblos originarios. Los portugueses crearon una sociedad en la cual los nativos tenían que vivir según las reglas portuguesas y ajustarse a los nuevos modos de comportamiento, definidos por categorías sociales y raciales europeas. [3]
Descripciones de los nativos en Diálogo sobre a Conversão do Gentio de Nobrega [ editar ]
Desde el punto de vista de dos colonos portugueses, Manuel da Nóbrega describe a los pueblos originarios de Brasil. Nóbrega creó un guión entre estos dos hombres que proporciona información sobre algunas de las caracterizaciones de la población nativa.
Gonçalo Álvares, un laico que predica a los nativos, describe en las primeras líneas del diálogo a los nativos como "aquellos", hablados peyorativamente, como "bestias". Por lo tanto, deshumaniza a los nativos y al mismo tiempo cuestiona su capacidad para comprender y aceptar el cristianismo. Mateus Nogueira, su compañero, está de acuerdo y defiende esta caracterización al afirmar que estos nativos son peores que todos los demás en el sentido de que no captan el cristianismo. Esta descripción es un reflejo de la frustración de Nóbrega con la población nativa. Más adelante en el texto, aunque los dos personajes discuten el papel de un cristiano entre una población nativa. Gonçalo cuestiona su objetivo y Nogueira afirma claramente que es caridad y amor a Dios y al prójimo. Esta declaración de parte de Nogueira coloca a los pueblos nativos, como seres humanos, entre los vecinos a los que los cristianos, incluidos los colonos portugueses deben amar. Nóbrega cuestionó la importancia de convertir a los nativos. Por un lado, no sabía si los nativos eran capaces de captar por completo el concepto de cristianismo, especialmente con la barrera del idioma. Por otro lado, como cristiano y como jesuita, entendía que su posición debía ser la de un maestro amable y comprensivo.[4]
Guerra y Expansión [ editar ]
La explotación y las masacres de aldeas indias por parte de los colonos portugueses continuaron a pesar de los esfuerzos de pacificación de Nóbrega. Las tribus de Tamoio y Tupiniquim , que vivían a lo largo de la costa brasileña desde los actuales estados de Espírito Santo hasta Paraná, fueron los más afectados. Rebelándose, formaron una alianza tribal en guerra, que se convirtió en la Confederación Tamoio ( Confederação dos Tamoios, en portugués) e inició ataques contra las aldeas fundadas por los colonos. São Paulo fue atacado varias veces, pero los portugueses se resistieron. Presionado, Nóbrega intentó hacer un tratado de paz con la Confederación, sintiendo que todos sus esfuerzos y la colonización portuguesa estaban en grave peligro. Bajo coacción considerable y varias amenazas de ser asesinados y devorados por los indios, Nóbrega y Anchieta permanecieron un tiempo en Iperoig (actual Ubatuba en la costa norte de São Paulo), en conferencia con los caciques tribales, hasta que Nóbrega pudo lograr una paz temporal. El comando de Anchieta de Tupi , el idioma hablado por la mayoría de los indios (del cual había compilado un vocabulario y una gramática) fue extremadamente útil para Nóbrega, que no tenía esa habilidad.
La llegada de una fuerza de invasión francesa en 1555, en la Bahía de Guanabara , Río de Janeiro (el llamado episodio de la Antártida de Francia ), sin embargo, volvió a inclinar la balanza, ya que los indios vieron una oportunidad de reunir la ayuda de los franceses para vencer a los portugueses. . Por lo tanto, Nóbrega no tuvo otra alternativa más que bendecir y apoyar las expediciones punitivas enviadas por el tercer gobernador general de Portugal, Mem de Sá , en 1560 y por su sobrino, Estácio de Sá , en 1565. Los colonos franceses fueron derrotados y expulsados y sus aliados indios fueron reducidos a la sumisión.
Después de la expulsión de los invasores franceses, el Padre Manuel da Nóbrega fundó un nuevo Colegio Jesuita en Río, el Colegio de San Vicente, y fue nombrado su Rector (Decano). En 1570 volvió a ser nombrado Provincial Brasileño de la Orden de los Jesuitas, pero murió antes de asumir el cargo, el 18 de octubre de 1570, el mismo día en que cumplió 53 años. Siete años después, Anchieta, su gran alumno y amigo, aceptó la Provincia Provincial Jesuita de Brasil.
Ver también [ editar ]
- Reducciones jesuitas
- São Paulo dos Campos de Piratininga
- Brasil colonial
- Pátio do Colégio
- Colonización portuguesa de las Américas
- José de Anchieta
- Francia antártica
Referencias [ editar ]
- ^ Helen G. Dominian, apóstol de Brasil, Nueva York: Exposition Press, 1958.
- ^ Thomas Cohen, "'¿Quién es mi vecino?' Los ideales misioneros de Manuel da Nobrega ", Encuentros jesuíticos en el Nuevo Mundo: Cronistas jesuitas, geógrafos, educadores y misioneros en las Américas, 1549-1767. Ed. Joseph A. Gagliano, y Charles E. Ronan, SJ, Instituto Storico SI: Roma, 1997. </
- ^ Stuart B. Schwartz, plantaciones de azúcar en la formación de la sociedad brasileña: Bahía, 1550-1835, Nueva York: Cambridge University Press, 1985.
- ^ Manuel da Nobrega, Diálogo sobre a Conversao do Gentio, Ed. Salvio M. Soares. Vol. MetaLibri2006, v1.0p.
Bibliografía [ editar ]
Fuentes primarias
Nóbrega, Manuel da. Diálogo sobre a conversão do gentio. Ed. Soares, Sálvio M. Vol. MetaLibri
2006, v.1.0p.
Nóbrega, Manuel da, SJ y Leit, Serafim. Cartas. Coimbra Universidade, 1955.
Fuentes secundarias
Cohen, Thomas. "'¿Quién es mi vecino?' Los ideales misioneros de Manuel da Nóbrega. "Encuentros jesuitas en el Nuevo Mundo: Cronistas jesuitas, geógrafos, educadores y misioneros en las Américas, 1549-1767. Ed. Gagliano, Joseph A., Ronan, Charles E., SJ Instituto Storico SI: Roma, 1997.
Dominan, Helen G. Apóstol de Brasil. Nueva York: Exposition Press, 1958.
Domingues, Beatriz Helena. "Comparando las experiencias culturales coloniales: el sincretismo religioso en Brasil, México y América del Norte". Revista Electrónica de Historia de Brasil. V.2. norte. 2. Jul / Dic 1998.
Schwartz, Stuart B. Plantaciones de azúcar en la formación de la sociedad brasileña: Bahia, 1550-1835.
Nueva York: Cambridge University Press, 1985.
Enlaces externos [ editar ]
- (en portugués) Diálogo sobre a Conversão do gentio en MetaLibri Digital Library
- Portugal en América
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